BJP May not be ready for Gorkhaland, Gorkhas are – Upendra argues we are capable enough to run our own state even if local BJP leaders may have doubts about their own abilities

A few days after winning elections, BJP Darjeeling District President Sanjeev Lama made a proclamation, “Gorkhas are not ready for Gorkhaland”. He defended the statement by saying that our youths need to be involved in politics and we need to remove the old-guards who have used “Gorkhaland sentiment” only as a tool for earning their livelihood. As if the political-suicide wasn’t over, Sanjeev Lama doubled down in a press meet and further said, “look around you won’t find a single, honest, capable Gorkha leader who is ready to be the Chief Minister”. I couldn’t believe what I was hearing, so I watched that twice just to make sure what I heard was right.

Perhaps what he didn’t anticipate was the immediate question asked by the journalist present there, “Do you mean to say even Sanjeev Lama is not honest or capable of being a Chief Minister?”

In proclaiming that, there is not a single honest Gorkha capable of becoming a Chief Minister, perhaps Sanjeev forgot that he too is a Gorkha, and that he too could become the Chief Minister, if Gorkhaland state was formed.

But, what he said had me extremely worried.

He is a Gorkhaland premi, as much as you and I. He too had to go underground following the 2017 Andolan. He parted ways with Bimal Gurung when Bimal supported Mamata Banerjee in 2021. So Sanjeev is who has remained true to the Gorkha cause. But imagine, what kind of political realization must have he come to, to be so convinced, that there’s not a single honest Gorkha, capable of leading Gorkhaland statehood.

This brings me to a greater worry.

If BJP District President is convinced that Gorkhas are not ready for Gorkhaland, who else is convinced similarly? Does this chain of thought extend to MP Raju Bista, Home Minister Amit Shaha and Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well, or is this line of thought confined to Kolkata-BJP alone?

Way before any of us were born, our ancestors understood the need for a separate administrative set-up for the Gorkhas, which is why the demand for autonomy for our region extends back to 1907. When gentle reminders didn’t work, it led to the 1986-88 andoland for Gorkhaland statehood. Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was established in 1988, which failed to meet the aspirations of the people. This resulted in Gorkhaland statehood demands from 2007-2011, in 2013 after Telangana was formed, and in 2017 after West Bengal government under TMC tried to make impose Bengali language on the Gorkhas.

Over the decades I have been on this planet, I have seen Gorkha people mature politically, economically, educationally and in every other way possible.

Today Gorkhas are everywhere, from being Scientists in ISRO to teaching in IITs and IIMs, from flying fighter-jets to conducting path-breaking research top universities in India and internationally. Gorkhas are some of the top ranked Army Officers and academics, actors, singers, administrators and what not.

What they lack is a political space.

Be honest to yourself, can a Gorkha ever aspire to be the Chief Minister of West Bengal? Since Independence, name one Gorkha Minister in the Central Government?

Despite being capable in every other way, we – the Gorkhas have been sidelined politically. Which is why, this need and demand for Political autonomy exists.

BJP may think that Gorkhas are not ready for Gorkhaland, but Gorkhas know, we are. However, in articulating this, perhaps the BJP District President is hinting at the fact that BJP may renege on their pre-poll promise, which they have been making since 2009.

As the American writer Robert G. Ingersoll once said, “Nearly all men can stand adversity, but to test the character, give him power…”

Perhaps, after coming to Power, BJP is starting to show their true character. Beware Gorkhas.

The post BJP May Not be Ready for Gorkhaland, Gorkhas Are! appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

The West Bengal election results have been good for the people of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars region. Maybe for the first time in the Assembly of West Bengal, we will have as many as five representatives. Everyone who desired for the regime change in West Bengal is rejoicing. The reasons for celebrating the results were many and legitimate, from a particular lens but if the larger picture is analysed then probably this result may not lead to the political change that the people have expected. 

The argument I am making is my own, the result of my volition and judgment of the situation. Not everyone may agree with it, but I sincerely hope that the rational and level-headed among us will give it a thought. Irrespective of how many representatives we have, and irrespective of the party in power, the West Bengal Assembly will not favour the creation of Gorkhaland state. 

The demand for the creation of Gorkhaland is based on the ethnic, cultural and linguistic differences we have with the rest of West Bengal. For many in Kolkata Darjeeling is a very important region in their imagination. They consider Darjeeling as an integral part of their legacy and history, which is based on a false understanding of history. It was a part of Nepal and Sikkim, in different periods in history and was ‘gifted’ by the Raja of Sikkim to the erstwhile British rulers. They seem to obliterate this from the history they refer to and create, when discussing the political situation in Darjeeling. I do not blame them for this. They are doing a duty towards their community and politics. The point is, we should also do our duty.

What is our duty then? Our duty is to unite and become one and brainstorm and redesign our demand and put it across the power corridors of Delhi and Kolkata. Can we do this? I do not think so. We cannot do this because there are too many factions and divisions among us. We have become pawns in the hands of the powerful. Darjeeling was so strong, politically, at one point in time because we were united and no leader from Kolkata would dare challenge us. It was also evident from the fact that every political parties trying to contest from Darjeeling would agree to our terms and conditions as alliance partners.

Till now, politiians in Darjeeling have been running around to make material gains, instead of striving for our collective aspirations. But the time for change has come. Now is the time to bury all our hatchets and join our hands in solidarity to fight for the creation of Gorkhaland. If the leaders still think only of themselves and not the cause, then we as Gorkhas will lose our existence and the cause of Gorkhaland will be lost forever.

The change in the politics of West Bengal has created a greater challenge for us. There will be a lot of materialistic development in our region, but there will be no concrete solution to our demand, except that we will become homo economicus-an entrepreneur of ourselves and eminently governable. Therefore, it is time we go back to the slogan that used to vibrate in the hills “Party Bhanda Jati Thulo, Jati Bhanda Mato”.

The public has to show the way, use their agency and force all the leaders to come together once again and move together towards our goal. We as a collective have committed many mistakes, knowingly and unknowingly but it is time that we act by forgetting the past mistakes but learning from it, understanding the present and preparing for the future. It is time that we push the shove together and with conviction for the shake of Gorkhaland.

Jai Gorkhaland!

The post Gorkhas Time to Unite for Gorkhaland is Now appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Gorkha Politicians, if you guys really want to ensure Gorkha welfare – come together and work together. Your unity will strengthen the Gorkha cause – writes Upendra

BJP has won a historic mandate in West Bengal, and they are now in control of the state and the center. Soon they will control all the municipalities and panchayats as well. Having closely observed BJP and how they function, it is more than likely, they will introduce a fiscally liberal, but socially and politically conservative regime.

They will attract and encourage private investments in all sectors, the will build roads, highways, and provide basic infrastructure, even in remotest of places. They will be good for generating employment and entrepreneurial opportunities, and for providing a government that actually works for the people. For a state like West Bengal, which has been governed in a mafia like style with violence, threat intimidation, BJP will provide a welcome alternative.

However, I am worried, that this massive mandate will enable BJP to run the state in a vice-like grip. This may not bode well for ethnic minorities like the Gorkhas. While BJP has said they will ensure Constitutional Solution, but such arrangements may once again fail to meet our expectation. What happens then?

We have a window of six months maximum, in which we can still leverage our collective issues. But divided voices will drown out our demands. Hence, it will be prudent for Gorkhas to come together and unite.

I am writing this as a warning to all Gorkha politicians. You will not be able to save regionalism, or a space for Gorkhas, if you hand-over your autonomy to a national party, just because you cannot keep your ego aside against your own brother and blood. Your divisions has already benefited Bengal. If you continue to divide, we will continue to be governed from Kolkata and Delhi, not Darjeeling.

The only way we can protect our autonomy, and all of your political future as well, is by uniting. Bimal Gurung, Anit Thapa, Ajoy Edwards and Mann Ghising, if you guys really want to ensure Gorkha welfare – come together and work together. Your unity will strengthen the Gorkha cause. Keep your ego aside. Keep old hurts aside. Merge and form a strong united front. Don’t allow yourselves to be used against each other by Kolkata or Delhi anymore.

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Chana Ghotala, also widely known as “chana dal ghotala” is causing the flutter in the Darjeeling region. There are allegations that nearly 14000 Metric Tonne of Chana/Dal allocated to the GTA has gone missing

We have with us a set of official documents, shared with us by IGJF leaders. We have compiled these documents into a timeline, along with supporting letters and email correspondence.

Together, these indicate a sequence of rapid and potentially irregular administrative actions by the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), Darjeeling, in relation to the requisitioning, processing, allocation and distribution of Chana (Bengal Gram) under the Government of India’s Bharat Dal scheme.

The Bharat Dal initiative aims to supply pulses at subsidized rates through cooperatives like the National Consumer Cooperative Federation of India Ltd. (NCCF) and NAFED to stabilize retail prices and meet dietary needs. However, the GTA’s implementation appears to have involved the swift appointment of an advisor, an immediate large-scale requisition, appointment of a private Kanpur-based firm as “Nodal Agency” without visible tender process, a substantial advance payment by that firm, and subsequent justifications amid apparent objections from the Ministry of Consumer Affairs. The advisor, one Sanju Chettri later resigned in April 2025.

Chronological Timeline of Key Events

4 March 2024 – Appointment of Advisor

• GTA Notification (Order No. 1/EM/GTA/2024) appoints Sanju Chhetri as Advisor for Land & Land Reform, Agriculture, and Sericulture departments.
• The order is formally issued and signed by the Executive Member, in-charge of Agriculture, Land and Land Reforms and Sericulture, GTA and is widely circulated within GTA, taking immediate effect.

5 March 2024 – Requisition for 47,500 MT Chana (Ref AGRI/Bharat Dal/2023-24/01)

• A letter to the Ministry of Consumer Affairs requests 47,500 MT of Chana under the Bharat Dal scheme. Signed by Sanju Chhetri (on behalf of the Executive Member), the request follows just one day after his appointment.

8 April 2024 – Letter from Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution PS-03001/1/2023-PMC Pt-3 (E-32596)

• Ministry advises the National Consumer Cooperative Federation of India Ltd. (NCCF) may coordinate with GTA for supply of 14,000 MT Chana/Dal under Bharat Dal mechanism.
• Note the proposed allocation has been reduced to 14,000 MT which is significantly lower than requested 47500 MT.

9 July 2024 – Appointment of Private Firm (with no ref number)

• A letter signed by the Advisor Sanju Chettri appoints M/s Jeevshakti Products Pvt Ltd Ltd (CIN U74999UP2018PTC101881) as “Nodal Agency” for lifting, processing, packaging, and distribution.

Notable concerns:

• There’s no evidence of a tender or competitive selection process involved in the apppointment of this firm
• The letter has been issued on limited-circulation letterhead
• There seems to have been a minimal internal dissemination within GTA, but the Executive Member Agri, L&LRs Seri is kept in the loop

4 October 2024 – GTA Justification to Ministry Ref: DoAFW/GTA/07

• In the letter written by Sanju Chettri on GTA letter-head, he defends the arrangement of appointing a private firm, describing the firm as a “Nodal and Implementing Agency” rather than a private vendor.
• It cites lack of infrastructure in GTA, and requests phased release of stock.
• The response appears to follow queries or objections from central authorities.
• Letter claims, “JeevShakti Products Private Limited has made an upfront payment of Rs 2.26 crores on the 17th of September 2024, under UTR: ICICR52024091700423187, to NAFED’s A/c No: 110144034290 in Canara Bank.”

11 April 2025 – Resignation of Advisor

• Sanju Chhetri resigns via email, effective immediately.

Key Issues

1. Appointment and Role of the Advisor

• The documents confirm formal appointment but provide no information on qualifications, selection process, or scope of authority.
• Within one day, the advisor was involved in a major procurement request, raising questions about preparedness and mandate.

2. Unusually Rapid Requisition

• The requisition for 47,500 MT immediately the day after appointment, suggests either prior informal planning or an expedited decision-making process without documented internal consultation.

3. Appointment of Nodal Agency Without Visible Tender

• No records indicate a competitive bidding or tender process for selecting the private firm.
• The limited circulation of the appointment order further raises transparency concerns.

4. Unclear Contractual Terms

• No contract, agreement, or financial terms are included in the available documents.
• Critical details, such as commission, liability, risk-sharing, remain undocumented in the public record.

5. Advance Payment Structure

• The private firm deposited ₹2.25 crore directly with NAFED.
• The rationale, authorization, and proision for this arrangement are not clearly explained.

6. Lack of Outcome Transparency

There is no documentary evidence confirming:

• whether the allocated Chana was actually lifted,
• processed into dal,
• distributed to beneficiaries, or
• deposit to NAFED refunded if unused.

As of April 2026, the final status of the allocation remains unclear.

Outstanding Questions

• The documents establish a consistent sequence of events but also highlight significant gaps in transparency, documentation, and procedural clarity.

The “Daal Ghotala” allegations center on whether public resources and central scheme benefits were handled with due process or channeled through opaque, ad-hoc arrangements.

• possible bypassing of procurement norms,
• concentration of decision-making authority in a single appointed advisor,
• limited institutional oversight, and
• absence of verifiable outcomes for a public welfare scheme

To fully resolve these issues, formal clarification would be required from:

• GTA leadership, including the Chief Executive, Principal Secretary, and Executive Member in-charge of Agriculture, Land and Sericulture
• Sanju Chhetri, the advisor
• M/s Jeevshakti Products Pvt Ltd,
• Relevant central agencies (Ministry of Consumer Affairs, NAFED, NCCF)

Until such disclosures are made, the matter remains one of documented procedural concern rather than conclusively established wrongdoing.

We have reached out to all concerned, we are awaiting their response, and will post the same, as and when they respond.

LIST OF DOCUMENTS WE HAVE TILL NOW

The post “Chana Ghotala”? Irregularities in Gorkhaland Territorial Administration’s Handling of Bharat Dal Scheme (Chana Allocation) appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Founded in 1976 by the legendary PTI journalist Late. Ram Patro sir, just a year after Sikkim’s merger with India, Sikkim Express(SE) has remained steadfast in their duty towards the people of Sikkim and in fostering democracy in the region. Today, as they complete five decades of service, SE has evolved from a small publication, to a vital pillar of democracy in Sikkim and the neighbouring Darjeeling-Kalimpong region as well.

In 2003, the new Editor-in-Chief Amit Patro, who was only 24-yrs old at that time transformed Sikkim Express into a daily newspaper, and changed the media landscape in the entire Sikkim-Darjeeling region. In a way, the growth of Sikkim Express has by and large mirrored Sikkim’s maturing from a small and isolated Himalayan kingdom, to one of the fastest developing states in India today.

My tryst with Sikkim Express began around 2013-14 when I sent them a few articles. In 2017, when Gorkhaland andolan broke out, and the West Bengal police made it impossible for me to report from Darjeeling, I had shifted my base to Sikkim temporarily. That is when I first met Amit Patro and his dedicated team of journalists.

When Darjeeling was silenced, it was Sikkim who spoke for us, and Sikkim Express had the loudest voice against the atrocities that were being meted out on the Gorkahs. It was Sikkim Express that connected numerous national newspapers and news outlets to the on-ground activists in Darjeeling and Kalimpong region. They did not let threat and intimidation from the powers that be, silence their voices, nor ours.

As Sikkim Express completes 50-years today, I cannot help but thank them for upholding objectivity, for upholding the values of journalism, for being the platform through which our region has learned to express ourselves. Your perseverance, dedicated and hard-working staff, and fearlessness in Sikkim, enable us to be courageous here in Darjeeling.

To the entire Sikkim Express team, past and present – we owe you a debt of gratitude. One which we will never be able to pay back, but which we honour every single day by upholding the values of journalism you represent.

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When Justice Exposes Failure explores the ongoing GTA Teachers’ Recruitment Case and examines it indepth.

The judgment passed by the Calcutta High Court, ordering the cancellation of 313 teachers’ appointments passed in 2019 for the GTA schools, has stirred up debate around the issue that had otherwise remained silent for months. Honourable Justice Biswajit Basu in his order stated, “……..this Court holds that the appointment of 313 voluntary teachers in the name of regularisation, whose particulars have been disclosed in the supplementary affidavit filed by GTA on April 29, 2025 is illegal, accordingly, the impugned letter bearing no. 254-SE/S/4A-1B/15(PT-III) dated March 08, 2019 whereby and whereunder the engagements of 313 voluntary teachers were regularized by the Principle Secretary, School Education Department, Government of West Bengal is set aside and quashed.”

As soon as the order was passed, reactions started flooding from various corners in different directions and intensities. While the GTA Chief pledged his unconditional support towards the affected appointments, stating that it was a fight for truth, justice, and unity, the IGJF founder and president welcomed the decision and called for the immediate constitution of a fair, lawful, and transparent recruitment process.

The Sanyukta Madhyamik Sikshak Sangathan (SMSS), on the other hand, called for an indefinite closure of the Hill Schools in support of the affected appointments. Some members of the BGPM media cell have extended the issue to a greater length by calling it Jasimuddin vs The Hills, trying to portray it as a communal issue rather than a legal one.

This piece is an attempt to dissect the different aspects of the case.

Why now? Is it an Administrative Failure or a Political Disaster?

Many of us are by now aware that the GTA region has not had a proper recruitment process for decades now, and the schools have been getting the teachers through a stop-gap measure of volunteer teachers getting regularised. While DGHC in its time had eventually issued an order for the schools to stop the recruitment of volunteer teachers, it somehow kept continuing later and became the conventional door for entry into the schools as regular teachers.

What is interesting is that though the process has been running through decades and the administrative gap remained as it is, the challenge to any appointment had never reached this far as this time. So, would it be justified to call it an administrative failure? In fact, people in many quarters are calling it a political blunder and a result of massive alleged irregularities in the appointment process that upset and disappointed the people at large.

The allegations point towards the existence of nepotism, favouritism and even bribery involving the appointments that were made. While there are many teachers who were actually working as volunteers at the time for years and actually contributed to the schools and the students, there are allegations that there were people who never even stepped inside the gate of the school getting appointed.

In one such allegation surfacing sometime ago, one of the teachers among the 313, who was allegedly working as a part-time lecturer a local college before he had gotten an appointment, had himself come in front of the media and made a grand display of his certificates and awards to compensate for not having been a volunteer teacher. Besides, there are many such alleged cases where the relatives of some influential people, party favourites and sympathisers, etc., got appointed without serving as a volunteer teacher. It is, in fact, estimated by many that at least around half of the appointments were tainted, if not more than that.

Contrarily, many who had actually worked for years as volunteer teachers across different schools failed to score a spot during the appointments.

The erstwhile District Inspector of Schools, Mr Pran Govinda Sarkar, has also regularly come into the ambit of allegation and suspicion for passing many appointments illegally for reasons best known to him. Allegations also point out that there were people who worked closely with him, some of whose names also appear in the list of the 313. In fact, the High Court, in its order, has also recommended a departmental enquiry against him.

Had the appointments been fairly given, it would not have irked the left-out candidates, some of whom went on to file a case against the recruitment process. That is where the entire legal process had first started and then continued.

The Politics of Victimhood: Is This Really “Jasimuddin vs the Hills”?

In their desperation to garner public sympathy and support, some members of Bharatiya Gorkha Prajatantrik Morcha (BGPM) have come out to give a communal colour to this issue by painting it as Jasimuddin vs The Hills. Is it actually so? I would say – Not.

Those who have followed the case since the beginning would know that Jasimuddin was nowhere in the scene when the case had initially started. It was actually a case filed by a bunch of the volunteer teachers who were left out in 2019 when the 313 candidates were given appointments. They later withdrew their case, which most believe might have been because of the pressure they may have been subjected to during the case. It could be fear, threat, persuasion, or any other reason best known to them.

Jasimuddin’s petition was an intervention in the case, which became primary after the former case was withdrawn. Advocate Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya may have chosen a candidate from outside the GTA region to negate the chances of the petitioner backing out due to threats or persuasion. Jasimuddin may not have come to the highlight if the former petitioners had not withdrawn their case. The result, however, may not have been any different in that case either.

Those who have read the judgment would understand that Jasimuddin is nowhere in the central focus of the case. It is entirely about the 313 appointments. Jasimuddin vs The Hills is a coordinated attempt to frame propaganda to stimulate regional and community-based sentiments of the general public in support of the 313 candidates.

Who Truly Suffers and Who Is Responsible?

There is a saying that goes as – the prosperity of one often rests upon the sacrifice of another. The rampant irregularities in the appointment system had to come under scrutiny one day or another. Many of us may see the verdict as a dawn of justice against the corruption and hopelessness that infested the appointment system, and also hope that it brings a proper and transparent system into place. But it is also important for us to realise how the vested interest of a certain group of people has put many other innocent and genuine people’s lives into jeopardy. There are people in the group who have genuinely dedicated their service as volunteers to their respective schools for years without getting any return, some of them for over a decade. These genuine teachers losing their jobs isn’t the sacrifice we deserve to ask from them.

The important question – what are they a victim of? Many would want you to believe that they are the victims of the court order or the petitioners. Nothing could be further away from the truth. They are all the victims of administrative and political failure. They are the victims of the greed and the self-interest of a certain group of people. There is another saying that goes like – “The forest was shrinking, but the trees kept voting for the axe, for the axe was clever and convinced the trees that because his handle was made of wood, he was one of them.”

Protest or Punishment? Rethinking the Closure of Hill Schools

While the Sanyukta Madhyamik Shikshak Sangathan’s (SMSS) outrage is justified, it is clearly directed in the wrong direction. Why should the students and their parents be the ones to bear the burden of the lapse on the side of the authorities? Many teachers themselves are not in favour of shutting the schools but are complying with the call out of compulsion.

The question should instead be asked of the perpetrators of the irregularities. The right to protest cannot come at the cost of a child’s right to education, especially when the fault lies elsewhere.

Beyond the Verdict: Restoring Trust Through Reform and Accountability

The judgment must not be treated as the end of the matter, but rather as an urgent call for systemic reform. If the administration and political leadership fail to act decisively now, the same cycle of injustice and irregularity will inevitably repeat itself. Immediate measures must be taken to constitute a statutory, independent, and region-specific recruitment authority for the GTA school system, entrusted with conducting fair, transparent, and merit-based appointments.

All existing vacancies must be filled through a lawful recruitment process that ensures equal opportunity for all eligible candidates, particularly those who have genuinely served as volunteer teachers for years. Clear eligibility criteria, publicly notified procedures, third-party oversight, and time-bound recruitment schedules are essential to restore faith in the system.

Equally important is the need for political integrity and accountability. Leaders who preside over such flawed systems cannot escape responsibility by appealing to emotion, identity, or solidarity after the damage is done. Silence during irregularities and outrage after judicial intervention is not leadership. The people deserve answers – who enabled this system, who benefited from it, and why corrective steps were never taken earlier.

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Interlocutor Blues analyses the political development that have unfolded, following the annoucement of an Interlocutor for taking forward the talks related to Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars

General Bipin Rawat had once said “India has to be ready for a two-and-a-half front war”, with the half referring to unnamed internal enemies, who are always ready to do the bidding of others. Of late, I have come to realize, in Darjeeling, the Gorkhas are also fighting a two-and-a-half front war. We are not just fighting those who are opposed to us, we are fighting among ourselves, divided on party lines, and even within the party, there are further frictions.

Who does this help? Definitely not the Gorkhas.

The Interlocutor

On the 16^th of October, 2025 the Ministry of Home Affairs appointed former Deputy National Security Advisor (Dy-NSA) retired IPS officer Pankaj Kumar Singh as the Interlocutor and Government of India Representative to hold discussions on the issues relating to Gorkhas in Darjeeling hills, Tarai and Dooars region of West Bengal.

As reported in the Telegraph, and as read by a senior journalist on a Live show, his mandate is to “undertake constructive dialogue with various stakeholders including representatives of Gorkha organisations on the issues relating to Gorkhas in Darjeeling Hills, Tarai and Dooars region of West Bengal and suggest measures to resolve issues and roadmap in this regard.”

Further, “to hold discussions with other stakeholders in Darjeeling Hills, Tarai and Dooars region of West Bengal in this regard.”

Furthermore, “Recommend measures for socio-economic upliftment, cultural recognition, and preservation of cultural heritage of Gorkhas in the region, and addressing their aspirations within the Constitutional framework.”

A fairly broad mandate, which in my opinion encompasses all issues including Scheduled Tribe re-inclusion for the left-out Gorkha sub-tribes through the “cultural recognition and preservation of cultural heritage of Gorkhas in the region,” and the long-awaited Permanent Constitutional Solution for our region as encompassed in “addressing their aspirations within the Constitutional framework.” For me, what’s more important is that the area demarcated is Darjeeling hills, Tarai and Dooars, and the discussions will not just be confined to the Gorkhas, but will also incorporate views of “other stakeholders’ in the Darjeeling Hills, Tarai and Dooars region.”

The appointment of a former Deputy-NSA, no less, signifies the seriousness with which the Central Government is going about this issue. A critical appointment, in a critical geography, which has direct implications on India’s National Security.

Interlocutor Blues

Even before the news of the appointment had been properly reported in the media, the ruling party in the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, spokesperson for Bharatiya Gorkha Prajatantrik Morcha (BGPM) Spokesperson had already denounced the appointment as another “Conspiracy to put the Gorkhas back in the sack – गोर्खालाई फेरि बोरामा हाल्ने षड्यंत्र.” They had further added, “the appointment of the Interlocutor by BJP has been done only for the sake of making it easy to give speeches.”

While Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, Gorkha National Liberation Front, Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists (CPRM) etc welcomed the announcement, the denouncements were louder to say the least.

On October 19^th the Indian Gorkha Jan Shakti Front (IGJF) held a press conference welcoming the appointment of the Interlocutor. This was followed closely by a Central Committee Member of IGJF through his article “Another Interlocutor, another election: Why Darjeeling Hills has reason to doubt” arguing that “under the BJP, interlocutors are appointed before major elections to create an impression of action, but once votes are secured, the dialogue loses urgency. The timing of the latest appointment, just ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, raises similar doubts about their intent”.

This has been followed by many “social workers” questioning the authenticity of the appointment, and demanding to know the mandate of the appointment.

On 18^th of October, the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee wrote to the Prime Minister, expressing her “objection to the Central Government’s decision to appoint former IPS officer Pankaj Kumar Singh as interlocutor for discussions on Gorkha-related issues in Darjeeling Hills, Terai, and Dooars”.

On October 24th IGJF Chief citing the letter written by Mamata Banerjee to the Prime Minister’s Office and the PMO allegedly forwarding it to the Home Ministry for reconsideration (as reported in the Telegraph), claimed that, this “exhibits the weakness of the BJP in the Centre and their Alliance Partners.” He had further appealed to the West Bengal Chief Minister thus, “We are not happy with the GTA, and you yourself had also said in the past that you would give us PPS. Therefore, this matter of the Interlocutor should be resolved quickly, because saying one thing before Tihar and something completely different after Tihar is not good – हामी जिटिएमा खुसी छैनौं अनि तपाईले पनि बिगतको दिनहरूमा पिपिएस म दिन्छु भन्नु भएको थियोे। त्यसर्थ यो इन्टरलोक्युटरको विषय चाडै समाधान होस् किनकी तिहार अघि एउटा कुरा अनि तिहार पछि अर्कै कुरा राम्रो होइन।“

On November 18th, the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has written another letter to the Prime Minister in which she has claimed, “it is a matter of grave concern that without any further communication in response to my letter and despite your kind intervention, the Office of the Interlocutor under Ministry of Home Affairs, has, vide Memo dated 10th November 2025, communicated that the office of the interlocutor HAS ALREADY STARTED FUNCTIONING, THIS IS REALLY SHOCKING”.

The Half Front

If you study the appointment of the Interlocutor issue, the Chief Minister of West Bengal has written two letters to the PMO, opposing the appointment. However, I am yet to see or become aware of any Gorkha politician writing to the PMO thanking for the appointment. I am sure our politicians are busy, but definitely they wouldn’t be as busy as the Chief Minister, would they?

What’s important to note here is that, the Chief Minister who, I am assuming is receiving all official communications, has already taken a stand against the appointment of the Interlocutor. The West Bengal government, thus emerge as the first front opposed to finding Constitutional Solution through constructive dialogue.

The second front will naturally be the political parties based in Bengal, like TMC or even BJP Bengal and Congress Bengal, who will outright oppose any solution for our region, they see it as an infringement on their domain.

What’s more worrisome is that while Gorkhas should be uniting and united for a cause, we are not working towards that. The call by the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha for all political parties to attend a discussion regarding creating a common platform and agenda to take to the Interlocutor was met with cold shoulders by some political groups. Instead of uniting, it has exposed our existing fault lines further.

This is where, the half-front will come into play. They will try and create divisions, diversions, and doubts among us.

United we stand

I hope our politicians, and more importantly the citizens of our region will recognize the need for unity at this moment. In our unity, lies the defeat of those who have treated us as a distant colony, those who have treated us as a second-class citizen, those who have killed our brothers and sisters in cold blood.

Remember, the Interlocutor is not just a talks facilitator; he is also a Government of India representative with a wide mandate. So, let us put our best foot forward, and stay united. Let us ensure that the Constitutional Solution we derive through this exercise is something that will address our generational aspirations, safeguard our political, social, cultural, linguistic and economic space. Most important of all, let us ensure a Constitutional Solution which will address the crisis of identity that Gorkhas and the people from Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have had to face till date – i.e a state called Gorkhaland

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Back in 1997, the former Assam Chief Minister Prafulla Kumar Mahanta had alleged MK Subba to be a citizen of Nepal, and even initiated a CBI query against him, a few months before he won the Lok Sabha election for the first time from Tezpur constituency in 1998. The issue of his citizenship prolonged. In 2007, one Ashok Kumar Subba, who was at that time a leader of the Janata Party lodged a complaint once again claiming that MK Subba was born in Nepal.

He lost the 2009 elections, and CBI despite taking over a decade could not prove him a citizen of Nepal.

Chamling Questioned

We know, Pawan Kumar Chamling as one of the longest serving Chief Ministers of Sikkim. Yet in 2009, BJP leaders accused PK Chamling of holding a dual citizenship. In fact, BJP leader Harendra Pratap, who was then in-Charge of BJP Affairs in the eight North-Eastern States went further and accused Chamling of being a votary of ‘Greater Nepal’ and that he has links with Nepal Maoists.

In 2018, one Padam Prakash Sharma repeated the allegations, claiming Chamling is a citizen of Nepal and should be disqualified, and in September 2018, Delhi High Court sought directions from the Central Government. This was also a few months before Sikkim elections, which were to be held in April 2019.

Incidentally, SDF lost the 2019 elections and paved way for the SKM government to be formed. That case has now gone hush.

Anit – A word of caution

The allegations against Anit Thapa are not new. They had surfaced prior to 2021 elections, and are again being repeated as the West Bengal Assembly elections are near.

Those who have followed my writings over the years, will know, I will be the last person to defend Anit Thapa. However, having seen politics much closer than most people do, I have come to realize that, alleging a Gorkha politician of being a “foreigner – citizen of Nepal” is the easiest way to dent their reputation.

Not that Anit Thapa has a stellar reputation, however, I personally feel that, those making such allegations, should have a more solid grounds to stand on.

Of course, it is your right to know, and of course it is your right to find answers to if someone occupying the post of a cabinet Minister is actually a citizen of our nation or not. But speak about it, once you have concrete proof, if Anit is an Indian citizen or not. Merely pandering the allegations, that too, based on allegations made by an obscure website in Nepal, and doing press release followed by press releases, doesn’t help anyone, other than your politics.

It may perhaps help, if those making such allegations reflected on the fact that, every such allegations against Gorkha politicians, harms the “Gorkha identity” further, and by extension, all Gorkhas (including the Sikkimese Nepalis) are viewed with suspicion.

The post “FOREIGNER” – The tag that hounds Gorkhas (and Sikkimese Nepalis) appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Titled “Upheaval in Nepal triggers anxiety in Asia’s largest red-light district Sonagachi in Kolkata,” PTI takes a sensationalist approach. This article does nothing other than perpetuating harmful stereotypes about Nepalese women.

In a moment when Nepal is experiencing such a massive revolution, PTI’s focus is disturbingly narrow.

Instead of addressing the political chaos and its long term impact on Nepal, or hardships faced by Nepalese students in India, or how it could impact Indo-Nepal relations, or thousands of other lenses, the article fixates on Sonagachi. Thus boiling down the ripple effects of a nationwide upheaval and confining it to the anxieties of sex workers in Kolkata.

The framing is not just lazy journalism; it is voyeurism exemplified. The article exploits the pains of exploited Nepalese women for cheap sensationalism.

Why, in a country of over 50 lakh Nepalese migrant workers, does PTI choose to focus on the sex work sector alone as the barometer of Nepal’s crisis? Why ignore the far more important impacts of Nepal’s political instability – like the impact on remittances? or the geopolitical tensions at the India-Nepal border etc?

By choosing to highlight Sonagachi, PTI implicitly reinforces and helps perpetuate an archaic and demeaning view of the Nepalese women in India.

This is nothing but racism and arrogance.

We didn’t see any such articles written about Bangladesh sex-workers in Sonagachi, when Bangladesh underwent a similar revolution a year ago.

Moreover, this article dehumanizes women, as it fails to address the structural exploitation that enables trafficking of women into Kolkata from across South-Asia. It fails to question the “system” that allows such a “red-light area” to exist in the first place. It fails to speak out against all the social evils surrounding force prostitution. Instead it sensationalizes a significant historical event, and relegates it to mockery.

PTI owes an apology to Nepal, its people, and the broader South Asian community for reducing a historic political movement to a salacious sideshow. This is not journalism, it’s harmful, demeaning, and serves only to perpetuate stereotypes.

Journalism deserves better.

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Culture of Peace Research Support is very significant to us, as it is also a reflection of the growing influence of our century-old movement and its narrative asserting that we are culturally, ethnically and linguistically different from Bengal and its people  Dr. Binu Sundas

Our demand and agitation for separation from West Bengal and the creation of Gorkhaland state has been ongoing for more than 100 years now. We justify this based on distinct cultural and ethnic identities. We have, at the same time, also argued that we have a closer cultural and ethnic affinity to the states of the Northeast.  Based on this second argument, there have been proponents who have also asked the Government of India to make special provisions in the Constitution for the inclusion of our region into the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region. But all these years, our efforts have fallen on deaf ears.

Moving beyond the non-material reasons for the separation from Bengal and the inclusion in the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, our region has suffered from underdevelopment to no development. The grievances of the people of Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts have been the step-motherly treatment meted out to us by the Government of West Bengal. We do not have ownership of our resources. It is appropriated by the West Bengal government under the pretext of taxes and the use of the material as well as the non-material resources is constantly under surveillance. Forest, land, rivers and everything associated with it are used to harness economic benefits for the state and nothing in return comes to the region or the people.

Had we been part of the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, which has taken the responsibility to accelerate the region’s socio-economic development by planning, execution and monitoring of various schemes to develop the region, we would had been a prosperous region with the forest, tea, timber and hydro power resources that are there in our disposal. Under the tutelage of the above Ministry, we would have reached the potential we have. However, being part of the state of West Bengal, we are excluded from all the benefits of the Ministry and the state is not concerned with our socio-economic and political welfare. The West Bengal government’s Tea Tourism and Allied Business Policy, 2019, which allows 15 percent of the tea garden’s land to be used for tourism and associated businesses, is reflective of the exploitation and marginalization of our region by the state. This Policy has been recently amended to allow for 30 percent of the land to be used for tourism purposes.

The country as a whole is oblivious of what has been happening in the Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts. They are ignorant of the history of the region and the people and fall into the trap of the dominant narrative set by the state of West Bengal and many of its intelligentsia. It is also due to our shortsightedness. Our advocacy regarding our demand and movement has always remained limited to the political sphere. Other spheres were not considered to be significant in the effort to achieve our goal. Neither institutions nor organisations- governmental or non-governmental came forward to support or understand our issue. The rallying of these organisations, I understand, is very important for our movement. They can change and create a favourable environment in the nation for our movement. They could have helped us not only by building narratives through their contacts but could also have used their moral suasion to appeal to the government’s sense of right or wrong.

The advertisement for the research grant for the Culture of Peace research programme by Zubaan in collaboration with Heinrich Boll Stiftung becomes significant to us. It is open to applicants from the eight Northeastern states, along with those from Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. The advertisement further states that our region has been included as a contiguous region. Though the institutions do not have any political reasons for our region’s inclusion but for us it is politically a very significant development.  It indicates that certain organisations, have started to understand that our region’s inclusion is of paramount importance to establish the continuity of the northeast region. Further, it is also an indication that some actors have come to the understanding that people from Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong lack support and need to be supported. Finally, this advertisement is also a reflection of the growing influence of our century-old movement and its narrative asserting that we are culturally, ethnically and linguistically different from Bengal and its people, and that this distinction is gaining legitimacy.  

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