Sikkim Politicians and the Art of Fearmongering – Much Ado About Nothing by Upendra highlights how a section of politicians in Sikkim have always used “Darjeeling-Sikkim” merger issues to rake up political capital.

During the Sikkim Legislative Assembly elections of 2014, the then Chief Minister Pawan Kumar Chamling had used “Sikkim lai Gorkhaland banauncha” narrative to scare people of Sikkim to vote against SKM. That was the first time I had realized how politicians in Sikkim use “Darjeeling merger” as a tool to fear-monger people into voting for them. In almost every election after that, this narrative is raked up in Sikkim by one group of politicians or another, to serve their nefarious political purposes.

The recent storm in the tea cup that has engulfed Sikkim and social-media stem from a position paper shared by Dr. Mahendra P Lama, who also happens to be the Chief Economic Advisor to the Chief Minister of Sikkim. The position paper lists out four potential forms of Permanent Political Solution for Darjeeling region, among which the fourth reads “minimum possible solution – national interest project – wherein North Bengal as a State and/or with contiguous areas of neighbouring states could be legislated by the Govt of India” (sic).

This has been interpreted by a section of Sikkimese politicians to translate that Dr. Lama is pushing for a Darjeeling-Sikkim merger. Their target is not Dr. Lama or what he wrote, but Chief Minister PS Golay. In politics as in love and war, all is fair.

In targeting Dr. Lama and running this “Darjeeling-Sikkim merger” narrative, politicians in Sikkim, particularly those associated with Citizen Action Party and BJP are seeking to score some political brownie points. That’s not the issue, the issue is being outright offensive and losing all sense of decency and decorum.

We are not sure which political party these morons support, but some individuals have been downright abusive. They have gone past disagreement and into vile personal attack.

I have no love for Dr. Lama, but I take offense to the way he is being treated by a section of politicians in Sikkim and their media. If they think Dr. Lama’s proposal is wrong, they can answer it with facts, or with a position of their own, instead of resorting to abuses. Whichever party these individuals belong to, they have shown poor manners and poor judgment. A political party that wants to be taken seriously should not need this kind of support.

The “merger” claim also deserves a plain reply. What I find hilarious is that some in Sikkim suffer from this “Central Character Syndrome” and have taken “with contiguous areas of neighbouring states” to mean Sikkim. That’s absolutely not the case. As far as I know, securing the Chicken’s Neck by incorporating Kishanganj district of Bihar into a possible North Bengal state has been an idea national security experts have proposed many times. We don’t see people in Bihar protesting, nor people in Assam with which also West Bengal shares a border. Why is it that every time, a solution to Darjeeling is proposed, a certain section of politicians in Sikkim feels insecure? it’s because this narrative serves their political purpose and nothing else.

What’s funnier still, a former MLA from Kurseong, who got less votes than NOTA during the MP elections has also waded into the murky waters, blaming Dr. Lama while targeting CM Golay. He is like that typical, “बेगानी शादी में अब्दुल्ला दीवाना”, no use or purpose, create controversy and seek relevance.

If the Citizen Action Party and BJP want to question Chief Minister Golay, they have every right to do so. It has the Assembly, the press and the public. They can criticise his policies, his record and his decisions. They do not need to invent a “merger” story and drag Dr. Lama into it to do that.

Politics can be sharp without being crude.

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We reached out to the Chief Medical Officer of Health (CMOH), Darjeeling, to understand what is happening. He told us this is a normal seasonal flu type fever, nothing unusual for this time of year. When we asked whether the Department had conducted any autopsy to determine the exact virus or cause behind these deaths, he did not answer. We also asked if the Health Department has tracked these fever related deaths and how many have died due to similar symptoms, he did not answer that as well.

However, the CMOH said that such outbreaks are common with changing weather, and that the infection is not widespread, only confined to specific clusters. He claimed that the health department is monitoring the spread and taking samples from Matigara and Mirik, which showed no spike in cases. However, he did not provide us any documentary proof of his claim. Also this does not match what we are seeing on the ground. Deaths have been reported from different parts of the Darjeeling-Kalimpong region, not from one single cluster.

In Ghoom, a young man named Karma, only 37 years old, complained of fever. By the time he reached the hospital, he was already in critical condition, and could not be saved. In Lebong, Meena Sharma, a pioneering woman footballer who had represented the country internationally in the 1970s and 80s, died of similar fever. These are only two of the cases we are sharing here, due to paucity of space. However, many more such deaths have been reported across the hills, and in none of these cases has the health department conducted a postmortem to identify the actual virus responsible.

The Gag Order

We also note that government employees, including doctors and officers under the West Bengal Health Department, are bound by a circular issued by the Chief Secretary, Government of West Bengal, dated 19th May 2026, that places strict restrictions on any government employee sharing information with the press or speaking publicly about matters that could be seen as critical of government policy.

This may explain why officials on the ground are cautious about speaking openly, even when the public urgently needs information. But a circular meant to manage press relations should not come in the way of public health communication during a possible outbreak.

IMA Advisory

On 26th August, the Indian Medical Association (IMA) issued a public health advisory on Seasonal Influenza A (H1N1), also known as Swine Flu. The advisory notes that India is witnessing a seasonal surge in H1N1 cases during the monsoon period, with over 1,770 laboratory confirmed cases in Delhi alone, along with cases in Maharashtra, Karnataka and West Bengal.

It lists the common symptoms as high grade fever with chills, persistent dry cough and sore throat, severe muscle aches, headache, a runny or congested nose, and in some cases nausea, vomiting or loose stools.

It also lists warning signs that call for immediate emergency care, including difficulty breathing, chest pain, bluish discolouration of lips or fingers, coughing up blood, confusion or seizures, and persistent vomiting.

Given the pattern of these deaths, sudden high fever, severe muscle aches, rapid deterioration, and no recovery, this raises an important question. Could Swine Flu be behind what we are seeing in Darjeeling? The IMA advisory is clear that most H1N1 infections are mild and treatable, and that there is no cause for panic. But that reassurance depends on cases being tracked, tested and confirmed, which is exactly what does not appear to be happening here.

We appeal to the Ministry of Health, Government of India, the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), and the West Bengal Health Department to step in with greater monitoring of this situation. We ask that post mortems be conducted to identify the actual cause of these deaths, and that a clear advisory on preventive steps, including the warning signs that need emergency care, be issued directly to the general public, not just to hospitals and frontline workers.

Lives are being lost, and the people of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Siliguri have a right to know what they are up against. We do not have the answer. But the people of this region deserve to know. They deserve a health department that investigates rather than reassures without evidence.

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Siliguri Corridor, flanked by Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh has emerged as the most important national security concern for India. Dr. Vimal Khawas calls for the establishment of Siliguri Corridor Integrated Management Authority (SCIMA) for its holistic management.

The Siliguri Corridor, a small piece of land in northern West Bengal, measuring roughly 60 kilometres in length and 20 kilometres in width and covering an approximate area of 1,200 square kilometres remains one of India’s most consequential geographical features. Popularly known as the “Chicken’s Neck,” this narrow passage serves as the sole continuous overland link between the eight northeastern states and the rest of the country. Its strategic location, historical formation, geopolitical sensitivities, and growing economic and environmental weight together make it far more than a transit zone. It is a national artery whose integrity underpins territorial cohesion, regional influence, and sustainable development in eastern India.

The Corridor’s present shape emerged from successive historical processes. The Partition of 1947 left only a thin land bridge after the creation of East Pakistan. Internal boundary adjustments under the Transfer of Territories Act of 1956 actually refined its contours by transferring territory from Bihar to West Bengal. The independence of Bangladesh in 1971 closed many alternative routes and elevated the Corridor to the status of an indispensable lifeline. Earlier colonial conflicts and treaties, including the Anglo-Gorkha War, the Duar War, and the treaties of Sugauli and Punakha, had already highlighted the area’s topographic importance. In the decades after Independence, the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship with Nepal reinforced free movement across the northern borders, while restricted transit through Bangladesh solidified the Corridor’s exclusive role in connecting the Northeast to the Indian mainland.

The region’s hydrology has itself been profoundly shaped by natural upheavals. A major avulsion of the Teesta River in 1787, triggered by catastrophic monsoon flooding, permanently altered its course. Previously flowing southward through channels such as the Punarbhaba, Atrai and Karatoya toward the Ganges, the river shifted southeast to join the Brahmaputra and fundamentally reshaped the alluvial landscape of the Corridor and its surrounding plains. This historical instability continues to define the area’s vulnerability. The devastating floods of October 1968 caused by intense cloudbursts and prolonged rainfall over the Darjeeling-Sikkim Himalaya triggered hundreds of landslides, washed away critical bridges including the Anderson Bridge on the Teesta severed road and rail links between Siliguri and the hills and claimed hundreds of lives while inundating large parts of the North Bengal plains. More recently, the glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF) of 3-4 October 2023 from South Lhonak Lake in Sikkim sent a massive surge of water and sediment cascading hundreds of kilometres down the Teesta destroyed the Teesta-III hydropower dam, damaged infrastructure across Sikkim and downstream districts of West Bengal near the Corridor, and extended impacts into Bangladesh. These events clearly highlight that the Corridor’s narrow geography is not only a product of political cartography but also of a dynamic and often violent fluvial and climatic regime.

Wedged between Nepal and Bhutan to the north and Bangladesh to the south, and lying in proximity to China’s Chumbi Valley, the Corridor occupies a uniquely sensitive position. The Mahananda and Teesta rivers add hydrological complexity, while the narrow width means that any sustained disruption, including military, natural, or demographic, could effectively isolate the Northeast. This geography has long rendered the Corridor both indispensable for the movement of people, goods, and armed forces and inherently vulnerable to external pressure or internal instability. Geopolitically, the passage sits at the confluence of multiple interests. It is the primary land gateway through which India advances connectivity and influence toward Southeast Asia. At the same time, its open borders with three neighbouring countries create persistent challenges of illegal immigration, trafficking, and the movement of hostile elements. Often reported demographic shifts in the surrounding districts and the Corridor’s nearness to Chinese territory further intensify strategic calculations, making secure control over this strip inseparable from the defence of the Northeast and the stability of India’s eastern frontier.

Besides its geopolitical and strategic significance, the Corridor also holds tremendous geo-economic and geo-environmental importance that demands equal attention. It functions as a key route for the trade and transportation of goods between mainland India and the northeastern states, as well as with neighbouring countries such as Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh. Improved road, rail, and logistics networks through Siliguri have transformed the region into a commercial hub that sustains economic activity across the Northeast. The Corridor likewise plays a crucial role in promoting tourism to the northeastern states, destinations celebrated for their rich biodiversity, scenic beauty, and cultural heritage. By enabling easier access for visitors, it supports local livelihoods and strengthens the broader case for regional integration and investment.

This unique geographical piece of land is simultaneously an ecological hotspot harbouring diverse flora and fauna. It serves as a crucial elephant corridor, facilitating the seasonal movement of these animals between India, Nepal, and Bhutan. Dense forests and extensive tea gardens provide habitat for numerous species, contributing substantially to the region’s biodiversity. Yet increasing human activity including urban expansion, infrastructure projects, and intensified agriculture, poses a significant threat to this ecological balance. The Corridor’s vulnerability to climate-induced natural disasters, illustrated so starkly by the 1787 Teesta avulsion, the 1968 floods, and the 2023 GLOF, further exacerbates the environmental challenges facing the region. Any long-term strategy for the Corridor must therefore reconcile security and connectivity needs with the preservation of its fragile ecosystems and the management of recurrent fluvial hazards.

Against this layered backdrop of history, strategy, economy, and ecology, Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s statements during his recent visit to Siliguri have brought focused attention to the practical requirements of safeguarding the Corridor. He described the Siliguri Corridor as one of the most sensitive and critical zones in the country, connecting eight northeastern states to the rest of India and therefore is vital for national security. Shah directed security and administrative agencies to take strict action to stop illegal immigration. He advised authorities to keep the land free of illegal encroachments. He further instructed agencies to expand their local footprint by establishing more official institutions in the region. On the operational side, he highlighted plans for a triangular security grid built around three new military garrisons at Dhubri in Assam, Kishanganj in Bihar, and Chopra in West Bengal. These bases are intended to strengthen surveillance, presence, and response capacity around the Chicken’s Neck. Complementing this structure, Shah pushed for an integrated defence model that brings together local community intelligence, the civil administration, state police, and central military forces. He also called on local leadership to strengthen civil defence units, home guards, NCC cadets, and Sainik schools in North Bengal and recognised that durable security rests on both professional forces and an engaged civilian foundation.

While these directives correctly identify the urgency of hardening physical control and improving inter-agency coordination, they largely remain incomplete if treated solely as a security-centric package. An implementable policy complement would be the formal establishment of a Siliguri Corridor Integrated Management Authority (SCIMA), a statutory body under the Ministry of Home Affairs with representation from the Ministries of Defence, Environment, Forest and Climate Change, and Development of North Eastern Region, as well as the governments of West Bengal, Assam, and Bihar. Critically, the very idea of the Siliguri Corridor remains rather vague in official discourse. Its precise spatial limits have never been formally delineated beyond approximate descriptions of length and width. SCIMA’s first mandate must therefore be a scientifically grounded cadastral and geospatial exercise to define the Corridor’s exact boundaries, incorporating hydrological, ecological, and infrastructural criteria rather than relying on informal cartographic conventions. Parallel to this, the Authority should commission a rigorous, transparent demographic study of the delineated zone. Recent comments by Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma which have highlighted substantial demographic shifts and suggested that significant portions of the Corridor and its adjoining areas are now inhabited by populations of Bangladeshi origin, emphasis the necessity of evidence-based examination rather than rhetorical assertion.

Such a study, conducted with due process and independent oversight, would provide the empirical foundation for targeted enforcement against illegal immigration while distinguishing long-settled Indian citizens from recent irregular entrants. SCIMA would further operationalise the triangular grid and multi-agency model by embedding continuous ecological monitoring and disaster-risk assessment linked to land-use regulation. In addition, SCIMA would create a structured community-intelligence interface that institutionalises civil defence, home guards, NCC, and local institutions as permanent partners. Without this institutional layer, the risk remains that kinetic measures will outpace the social and environmental foundations upon which long-term control ultimately depends.

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Anatomy of Ambition by Upendra examines how in trying to cling on-to power in a body nobody wants – GTA, Ajoy Edwards is coming across as power-hungry and doing himself a great dis-service.

In May of 2022, when the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) elections were declared, people in Darjeeling region saw it as West Bengal government’s attempt at legitimizing the illegitimate regime they had foisted upon the people. There was a near unanimous agreement that any such election should be boycotted.

The Gorkhaland andolan of 2017, and how it was subverted using “traitors” from among our own people, had left a lot of ill-will against the Trinamool Congress led West Bengal government.

Former Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leaders like Binoy Tamang, Anit Thapa, Sanchabir Subba along with the former Darjeeling MLA Amar Rai, Kurseong MLA Rohit Sharma and a few others took control of GJM in the absence of Bimal Gurung. But they were regard as GJM 2 by the people in general.

From 2017 to 2022, the Trinamool Congress government in West Bengal ran the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration using proxies in the form of “Board of Administrators (BoA)”. Binoy Tamang was appointed as the BoA Chairman, with Anit Thapa as the BoA Deputy Chairman. Amar Rai, Sanchabir Subba, Anu Pradhan and J Khatoon were handed responsibilities of various departments on 2nd of Nov, 2017.

The defeat of TMC-GJM2 “Bhumiputra” candidate Amar Rai in the 2019 general elections,brought to fore the rifts in the GJM-2 camp. Further, the defeat of Binoy Tamang in 2019 MLA bye-elections and his unceremonious removal as the head of GJM-2 and GTA Board of Administrators Chairman in April of 2019 helped Anit Thapa consolidate his control over GJM-2.

With Anit finally in complete control, he played smart and gave up on the GJM2 label. He then started a new political outfit the Bharatiya Gorkha Prajatantrik Morcha (BGPM) or as they were popularly referred to as “Tantrik-Morcha” on 9th of Sept, 2021.

Once Anit was on a firm footing, TMC government in West Bengal started preparing grounds for conducting GTA elections.

That is when Ajoy Edwards announced the launch of his new political party, all the way from Ladakh. He made good on his words and launched “Hamro Party” on 25th of Nov, 2021.

By December 2024 Kurseong MLA Rohit Sharma and Binoy Tamang were both shown the door by Anit, and they ended up joining TMC on 24th of Dec, 2021.

There was a near unanimous agreement among all all political parties with some history in Darjeeling, that the GTA elections should be boycotted. Other than the newly formed Bharatiya Gorkha Prajatantrik Morcha (BGPM), which for all intent and purpose was viewed as TMC Team-B. Further legitimacy to the farcical GTA election was given by Edward’s Hamro Party, which contested the elections.

In the absence of any credible opposition, as expected BGPM won majority and Hamro Party also won some seats.

From a purely political perspective, had Hamro Party not contested the 2022 GTA elections, it would have automatically de-legitimized the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, and perhaps compelled the TMC government to negotiate actual autonomy with the hill people. With Edwards and his merry men contesting the elections, they provided credibility to the GTA elections, that was majorly rigged by Kolkata.

Now in 2026, Anit Thapa has resigned as GTA Chairman, along with some of his party Sabhasads. What is interesting to note is that neither Edwards or any of Hamro Party (which incidentally does not exist today) sabhasads have bothered to resign from the GTA Sabha. There is a very good chance that Edwards may end up becoming the GTA Chairman, thus fulfilling his long-held ambition of running the GTA (else why bother contesting an election everyone else had boycotted?).

Despite IGJF’s holier-than-though claims of them wanting to retain GTA Sabha to check on GTA corruption, the fact of the matter is that increased GTA budget allows whoever controls GTA to be in control of the political future of Darjeeling region.

All claims to contrary, there are strong indications that Edwards hopes it’s him in control of the GTA purse, and possibly the future of Darjeeling. Others may not see it, but a pattern definitely emerges.

We all remember the infamous episode, when the GNLF sent an e-mail to Mamata Banerjee calling for talks at the height of 2017 Gorkhaland Andolan. Recently a GNLF leader Sandeep Limbu highlighted that the email was in all likelihood sent from an address associated with Edward’s.

Glenary’s was the first major business establishment to defy 2017 Andolan strike and open their doors for business, at a time when entire Darjeeling was shut down, united in demanding Gorkhaland.

I have always admired Ajoy Da, and personally I respect him deeply. What I fear is that in trying to cling on-to power in a body nobody wants – GTA, he is coming across as power-hungry, and doing himself a great dis-service. If I was him, I would have been the first to call for resignation from GTA, and put pressure on BJP Government, both in the state and the center to form Gorkhaland state or UT.

Ambition, masked in the form of altruism is one of the greatest evils. Public toilets have been sold in Darjeeling by individuals portraying the “humble to earth” persona. Edwards’ ambition could be harmful for the greater Gorkha cause.

All should ponder. Most of all he.

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Freebies and Financial Mess – The Cost of Populism by Upendra examines how West Bengal’s economy has suffered under Freebie culture

In 2011, when the CPIM government lost power in West Bengal they left behind a debt of around Rs 1.75 lakh crores. Over the 15 years the Trinamool Congress (TMC) has added another Rs 6.25 lakh crores to this debt. Today the total debt of West Bengal is around Rs 7.75- Rs 8 lakh cr­­ores. Institutionalised fiscal mismanagement, has today turned West Bengal into what many economists call a “financial hell-hole”, where public resources go to die a slow and painful death by freebies. Public money is being wasted on things that do not help the state in the long run.

With the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Government coming to power, there was hope that they would be more fiscally responsible, and they may be after six months in power. But as of today, they too seem to be eager to continuing down a similar path of unsustainable populism. The various freebies announced by the BJP pre-poll and their post-poll execution will significantly strain the state exchequer.

As of 2025 more than 2.2 crore women in West Bengal are getting money from the Laxmi Bhandar scheme. These women will also likely qualify to get Rs 3,000 per month from the “Annapurna Bhandar” scheme that the BJP has initiated. This will cost the state around Rs 79,200 crore every year.

There are also around 85 lakh unemployed youth who will get Rs 3,000 per month. This will cost the state further Rs 30,600 crore per year. The government also announced Rs 2,000 pensions for 45 lakh senior citizens and widows. This will cost an additional Rs 10,800 crore per year. These schemes alone will cost West Bengal over Rs 1.2 lakh crore every year.

The state is already paying a lot of money as interest on loans. In the year 2025-26 alone, West Bengal paid around Rs 50,000 crore as interest. This is an annually recurring cost that the government cannot avoid.

The Chief Minister, Suvendu Adhikari has said that the BJP government will continue all the welfare programmes started by the TMC. These include Kanyashree, which helps girls with education and costs Rs 16,554 crore. There is also Krishak Bandhu, which helps farmers and costs Rs 27,016 crore per year. Rupashree, which helps girls get married costs Rs 1,500 crore. Taruner Swapno, which gives tablets and smartphones to students costs Rs 1,000 crore per year. The state also spends around Rs 5,000 crore per year on schemes for Tribes, Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Classes and Minorities.

All these “welfare schemes” cost around Rs 2.25 lakh crore every year. This money is not used to develop infrastructure, create jobs or help the economy grow.

The states own revenue projections showcase the massive financial abyss the state is staring into. The tax revenue collection for the year 2026-27 is estimated to be around Rs 2.19 lakh crore. This means that West Bengal will not have money to cover all the “freebies” they are giving out. I have not even included the cost of running the government like salaries and pensions for employees, or funds needed for developing the state.

The inevitable result will be that West Bengal will have to resort to further borrowing from markets or the Central Government to bridge the widening fiscal gap.

This cycle of debt and freebies has persisted across governments in West Bengal for over a decade and a half. What began under the Left Front and intensified under TMC, now risks becoming continued under BJP.

For the BJP government to succeed where CPIM and TMC have failed, it must take hard decisions and channelize these unproductive capital into productive avenues. The people of West Bengal do not want freebies, they would rather the government invested in infrastructure, skill development, developing industries, provisioning better schools, colleges and university level education, and sustainable rural and urban growth that would generate genuine jobs and revenue.

West Bengal possesses immense potential, yet its strategic location with a young demographic raring to go remain under-utilised. Redirecting even a fraction of the Rs 2.25 lakh crore currently locked in cash transfers towards capital expenditure could transform the state’s economy. Without such a shift, the “fiscal hell-hole” will only deepen, burdening future generations with interest payments and stalled development.

The new government has a narrow window to break this cycle. It is advisable that instead of continued populism which will perpetuate financial ruin of the state, the government should focus on being prudent today to ensure prosperity for the citizens’ tomorrow.

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BJP May not be ready for Gorkhaland, Gorkhas are – Upendra argues we are capable enough to run our own state even if local BJP leaders may have doubts about their own abilities

A few days after winning elections, BJP Darjeeling District President Sanjeev Lama made a proclamation, “Gorkhas are not ready for Gorkhaland”. He defended the statement by saying that our youths need to be involved in politics and we need to remove the old-guards who have used “Gorkhaland sentiment” only as a tool for earning their livelihood. As if the political-suicide wasn’t over, Sanjeev Lama doubled down in a press meet and further said, “look around you won’t find a single, honest, capable Gorkha leader who is ready to be the Chief Minister”. I couldn’t believe what I was hearing, so I watched that twice just to make sure what I heard was right.

Perhaps what he didn’t anticipate was the immediate question asked by the journalist present there, “Do you mean to say even Sanjeev Lama is not honest or capable of being a Chief Minister?”

In proclaiming that, there is not a single honest Gorkha capable of becoming a Chief Minister, perhaps Sanjeev forgot that he too is a Gorkha, and that he too could become the Chief Minister, if Gorkhaland state was formed.

But, what he said had me extremely worried.

He is a Gorkhaland premi, as much as you and I. He too had to go underground following the 2017 Andolan. He parted ways with Bimal Gurung when Bimal supported Mamata Banerjee in 2021. So Sanjeev is who has remained true to the Gorkha cause. But imagine, what kind of political realization must have he come to, to be so convinced, that there’s not a single honest Gorkha, capable of leading Gorkhaland statehood.

This brings me to a greater worry.

If BJP District President is convinced that Gorkhas are not ready for Gorkhaland, who else is convinced similarly? Does this chain of thought extend to MP Raju Bista, Home Minister Amit Shaha and Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well, or is this line of thought confined to Kolkata-BJP alone?

Way before any of us were born, our ancestors understood the need for a separate administrative set-up for the Gorkhas, which is why the demand for autonomy for our region extends back to 1907. When gentle reminders didn’t work, it led to the 1986-88 andoland for Gorkhaland statehood. Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was established in 1988, which failed to meet the aspirations of the people. This resulted in Gorkhaland statehood demands from 2007-2011, in 2013 after Telangana was formed, and in 2017 after West Bengal government under TMC tried to make impose Bengali language on the Gorkhas.

Over the decades I have been on this planet, I have seen Gorkha people mature politically, economically, educationally and in every other way possible.

Today Gorkhas are everywhere, from being Scientists in ISRO to teaching in IITs and IIMs, from flying fighter-jets to conducting path-breaking research top universities in India and internationally. Gorkhas are some of the top ranked Army Officers and academics, actors, singers, administrators and what not.

What they lack is a political space.

Be honest to yourself, can a Gorkha ever aspire to be the Chief Minister of West Bengal? Since Independence, name one Gorkha Minister in the Central Government?

Despite being capable in every other way, we – the Gorkhas have been sidelined politically. Which is why, this need and demand for Political autonomy exists.

BJP may think that Gorkhas are not ready for Gorkhaland, but Gorkhas know, we are. However, in articulating this, perhaps the BJP District President is hinting at the fact that BJP may renege on their pre-poll promise, which they have been making since 2009.

As the American writer Robert G. Ingersoll once said, “Nearly all men can stand adversity, but to test the character, give him power…”

Perhaps, after coming to Power, BJP is starting to show their true character. Beware Gorkhas.

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The West Bengal election results have been good for the people of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars region. Maybe for the first time in the Assembly of West Bengal, we will have as many as five representatives. Everyone who desired for the regime change in West Bengal is rejoicing. The reasons for celebrating the results were many and legitimate, from a particular lens but if the larger picture is analysed then probably this result may not lead to the political change that the people have expected. 

The argument I am making is my own, the result of my volition and judgment of the situation. Not everyone may agree with it, but I sincerely hope that the rational and level-headed among us will give it a thought. Irrespective of how many representatives we have, and irrespective of the party in power, the West Bengal Assembly will not favour the creation of Gorkhaland state. 

The demand for the creation of Gorkhaland is based on the ethnic, cultural and linguistic differences we have with the rest of West Bengal. For many in Kolkata Darjeeling is a very important region in their imagination. They consider Darjeeling as an integral part of their legacy and history, which is based on a false understanding of history. It was a part of Nepal and Sikkim, in different periods in history and was ‘gifted’ by the Raja of Sikkim to the erstwhile British rulers. They seem to obliterate this from the history they refer to and create, when discussing the political situation in Darjeeling. I do not blame them for this. They are doing a duty towards their community and politics. The point is, we should also do our duty.

What is our duty then? Our duty is to unite and become one and brainstorm and redesign our demand and put it across the power corridors of Delhi and Kolkata. Can we do this? I do not think so. We cannot do this because there are too many factions and divisions among us. We have become pawns in the hands of the powerful. Darjeeling was so strong, politically, at one point in time because we were united and no leader from Kolkata would dare challenge us. It was also evident from the fact that every political parties trying to contest from Darjeeling would agree to our terms and conditions as alliance partners.

Till now, politiians in Darjeeling have been running around to make material gains, instead of striving for our collective aspirations. But the time for change has come. Now is the time to bury all our hatchets and join our hands in solidarity to fight for the creation of Gorkhaland. If the leaders still think only of themselves and not the cause, then we as Gorkhas will lose our existence and the cause of Gorkhaland will be lost forever.

The change in the politics of West Bengal has created a greater challenge for us. There will be a lot of materialistic development in our region, but there will be no concrete solution to our demand, except that we will become homo economicus-an entrepreneur of ourselves and eminently governable. Therefore, it is time we go back to the slogan that used to vibrate in the hills “Party Bhanda Jati Thulo, Jati Bhanda Mato”.

The public has to show the way, use their agency and force all the leaders to come together once again and move together towards our goal. We as a collective have committed many mistakes, knowingly and unknowingly but it is time that we act by forgetting the past mistakes but learning from it, understanding the present and preparing for the future. It is time that we push the shove together and with conviction for the shake of Gorkhaland.

Jai Gorkhaland!

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Gorkha Politicians, if you guys really want to ensure Gorkha welfare – come together and work together. Your unity will strengthen the Gorkha cause – writes Upendra

BJP has won a historic mandate in West Bengal, and they are now in control of the state and the center. Soon they will control all the municipalities and panchayats as well. Having closely observed BJP and how they function, it is more than likely, they will introduce a fiscally liberal, but socially and politically conservative regime.

They will attract and encourage private investments in all sectors, the will build roads, highways, and provide basic infrastructure, even in remotest of places. They will be good for generating employment and entrepreneurial opportunities, and for providing a government that actually works for the people. For a state like West Bengal, which has been governed in a mafia like style with violence, threat intimidation, BJP will provide a welcome alternative.

However, I am worried, that this massive mandate will enable BJP to run the state in a vice-like grip. This may not bode well for ethnic minorities like the Gorkhas. While BJP has said they will ensure Constitutional Solution, but such arrangements may once again fail to meet our expectation. What happens then?

We have a window of six months maximum, in which we can still leverage our collective issues. But divided voices will drown out our demands. Hence, it will be prudent for Gorkhas to come together and unite.

I am writing this as a warning to all Gorkha politicians. You will not be able to save regionalism, or a space for Gorkhas, if you hand-over your autonomy to a national party, just because you cannot keep your ego aside against your own brother and blood. Your divisions has already benefited Bengal. If you continue to divide, we will continue to be governed from Kolkata and Delhi, not Darjeeling.

The only way we can protect our autonomy, and all of your political future as well, is by uniting. Bimal Gurung, Anit Thapa, Ajoy Edwards and Mann Ghising, if you guys really want to ensure Gorkha welfare – come together and work together. Your unity will strengthen the Gorkha cause. Keep your ego aside. Keep old hurts aside. Merge and form a strong united front. Don’t allow yourselves to be used against each other by Kolkata or Delhi anymore.

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Chana Ghotala, also widely known as “chana dal ghotala” is causing the flutter in the Darjeeling region. There are allegations that nearly 14000 Metric Tonne of Chana/Dal allocated to the GTA has gone missing

We have with us a set of official documents, shared with us by IGJF leaders. We have compiled these documents into a timeline, along with supporting letters and email correspondence.

Together, these indicate a sequence of rapid and potentially irregular administrative actions by the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), Darjeeling, in relation to the requisitioning, processing, allocation and distribution of Chana (Bengal Gram) under the Government of India’s Bharat Dal scheme.

The Bharat Dal initiative aims to supply pulses at subsidized rates through cooperatives like the National Consumer Cooperative Federation of India Ltd. (NCCF) and NAFED to stabilize retail prices and meet dietary needs. However, the GTA’s implementation appears to have involved the swift appointment of an advisor, an immediate large-scale requisition, appointment of a private Kanpur-based firm as “Nodal Agency” without visible tender process, a substantial advance payment by that firm, and subsequent justifications amid apparent objections from the Ministry of Consumer Affairs. The advisor, one Sanju Chettri later resigned in April 2025.

Chronological Timeline of Key Events

4 March 2024 – Appointment of Advisor

• GTA Notification (Order No. 1/EM/GTA/2024) appoints Sanju Chhetri as Advisor for Land & Land Reform, Agriculture, and Sericulture departments.
• The order is formally issued and signed by the Executive Member, in-charge of Agriculture, Land and Land Reforms and Sericulture, GTA and is widely circulated within GTA, taking immediate effect.

5 March 2024 – Requisition for 47,500 MT Chana (Ref AGRI/Bharat Dal/2023-24/01)

• A letter to the Ministry of Consumer Affairs requests 47,500 MT of Chana under the Bharat Dal scheme. Signed by Sanju Chhetri (on behalf of the Executive Member), the request follows just one day after his appointment.

8 April 2024 – Letter from Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution PS-03001/1/2023-PMC Pt-3 (E-32596)

• Ministry advises the National Consumer Cooperative Federation of India Ltd. (NCCF) may coordinate with GTA for supply of 14,000 MT Chana/Dal under Bharat Dal mechanism.
• Note the proposed allocation has been reduced to 14,000 MT which is significantly lower than requested 47500 MT.

9 July 2024 – Appointment of Private Firm (with no ref number)

• A letter signed by the Advisor Sanju Chettri appoints M/s Jeevshakti Products Pvt Ltd Ltd (CIN U74999UP2018PTC101881) as “Nodal Agency” for lifting, processing, packaging, and distribution.

Notable concerns:

• There’s no evidence of a tender or competitive selection process involved in the apppointment of this firm
• The letter has been issued on limited-circulation letterhead
• There seems to have been a minimal internal dissemination within GTA, but the Executive Member Agri, L&LRs Seri is kept in the loop

4 October 2024 – GTA Justification to Ministry Ref: DoAFW/GTA/07

• In the letter written by Sanju Chettri on GTA letter-head, he defends the arrangement of appointing a private firm, describing the firm as a “Nodal and Implementing Agency” rather than a private vendor.
• It cites lack of infrastructure in GTA, and requests phased release of stock.
• The response appears to follow queries or objections from central authorities.
• Letter claims, “JeevShakti Products Private Limited has made an upfront payment of Rs 2.26 crores on the 17th of September 2024, under UTR: ICICR52024091700423187, to NAFED’s A/c No: 110144034290 in Canara Bank.”

11 April 2025 – Resignation of Advisor

• Sanju Chhetri resigns via email, effective immediately.

Key Issues

1. Appointment and Role of the Advisor

• The documents confirm formal appointment but provide no information on qualifications, selection process, or scope of authority.
• Within one day, the advisor was involved in a major procurement request, raising questions about preparedness and mandate.

2. Unusually Rapid Requisition

• The requisition for 47,500 MT immediately the day after appointment, suggests either prior informal planning or an expedited decision-making process without documented internal consultation.

3. Appointment of Nodal Agency Without Visible Tender

• No records indicate a competitive bidding or tender process for selecting the private firm.
• The limited circulation of the appointment order further raises transparency concerns.

4. Unclear Contractual Terms

• No contract, agreement, or financial terms are included in the available documents.
• Critical details, such as commission, liability, risk-sharing, remain undocumented in the public record.

5. Advance Payment Structure

• The private firm deposited ₹2.25 crore directly with NAFED.
• The rationale, authorization, and proision for this arrangement are not clearly explained.

6. Lack of Outcome Transparency

There is no documentary evidence confirming:

• whether the allocated Chana was actually lifted,
• processed into dal,
• distributed to beneficiaries, or
• deposit to NAFED refunded if unused.

As of April 2026, the final status of the allocation remains unclear.

Outstanding Questions

• The documents establish a consistent sequence of events but also highlight significant gaps in transparency, documentation, and procedural clarity.

The “Daal Ghotala” allegations center on whether public resources and central scheme benefits were handled with due process or channeled through opaque, ad-hoc arrangements.

• possible bypassing of procurement norms,
• concentration of decision-making authority in a single appointed advisor,
• limited institutional oversight, and
• absence of verifiable outcomes for a public welfare scheme

To fully resolve these issues, formal clarification would be required from:

• GTA leadership, including the Chief Executive, Principal Secretary, and Executive Member in-charge of Agriculture, Land and Sericulture
• Sanju Chhetri, the advisor
• M/s Jeevshakti Products Pvt Ltd,
• Relevant central agencies (Ministry of Consumer Affairs, NAFED, NCCF)

Until such disclosures are made, the matter remains one of documented procedural concern rather than conclusively established wrongdoing.

We have reached out to all concerned, we are awaiting their response, and will post the same, as and when they respond.

LIST OF DOCUMENTS WE HAVE TILL NOW

The post “Chana Ghotala”? Irregularities in Gorkhaland Territorial Administration’s Handling of Bharat Dal Scheme (Chana Allocation) appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Founded in 1976 by the legendary PTI journalist Late. Ram Patro sir, just a year after Sikkim’s merger with India, Sikkim Express(SE) has remained steadfast in their duty towards the people of Sikkim and in fostering democracy in the region. Today, as they complete five decades of service, SE has evolved from a small publication, to a vital pillar of democracy in Sikkim and the neighbouring Darjeeling-Kalimpong region as well.

In 2003, the new Editor-in-Chief Amit Patro, who was only 24-yrs old at that time transformed Sikkim Express into a daily newspaper, and changed the media landscape in the entire Sikkim-Darjeeling region. In a way, the growth of Sikkim Express has by and large mirrored Sikkim’s maturing from a small and isolated Himalayan kingdom, to one of the fastest developing states in India today.

My tryst with Sikkim Express began around 2013-14 when I sent them a few articles. In 2017, when Gorkhaland andolan broke out, and the West Bengal police made it impossible for me to report from Darjeeling, I had shifted my base to Sikkim temporarily. That is when I first met Amit Patro and his dedicated team of journalists.

When Darjeeling was silenced, it was Sikkim who spoke for us, and Sikkim Express had the loudest voice against the atrocities that were being meted out on the Gorkahs. It was Sikkim Express that connected numerous national newspapers and news outlets to the on-ground activists in Darjeeling and Kalimpong region. They did not let threat and intimidation from the powers that be, silence their voices, nor ours.

As Sikkim Express completes 50-years today, I cannot help but thank them for upholding objectivity, for upholding the values of journalism, for being the platform through which our region has learned to express ourselves. Your perseverance, dedicated and hard-working staff, and fearlessness in Sikkim, enable us to be courageous here in Darjeeling.

To the entire Sikkim Express team, past and present – we owe you a debt of gratitude. One which we will never be able to pay back, but which we honour every single day by upholding the values of journalism you represent.

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