Elections in Darjeeling have never been so consequential, as previously it was contested on issues like Gorkhaland, but most importantly the leaders were able to appeal to the voters emotionally. On the other hand, the voters too were swayed emotionally to the cause of Gorkhaland. So, since 1986 whichever party raised the demands had won a majority of the Municipality seats, after all the Statehood is the ultimate goal of the people of the Hills.

However, in the present context of politics in the hills, the contest ahead seems to be all messed up and confusing for the voters. On one hand, we have GJMM who are contesting in 22 seats and have conceded 10 seats to the ruling TMC party. They are openly not in alliance with TMC, but likely to be in an electoral alliance. On the other hand, GNLF and BJP seemed all tightened up to contest together. They have even issued “Sankalp Patra ” together in a press meet.

The third front is the newly formed Hamro Party spearheaded by Ajay Edwards who has recently garnered much support from the youths from his social media campaigns and Edward Foundation’s scholarship programmes. With promises like raising 100 crores from the tourist for Municipality, Ajay Edward is leaving no stone unturned in campaigning and appeasing voters.

However, Edwards arch-rival in the election in all likeness is Anit Thapa and his party BGPM. Their call for the Civic Poll is to “Save Regionalism.” and it is one of the main agendas in their manifesto. Other smaller parties like AIGL, CPRM are likely to support anyone of them or field independent candidates.

Nevertheless, in all positivity what is clear is that none of any parties is going to have an absolute majority to form Boards as each of them have their hold but not enough to get what is required to form Boards, i.e the absolute majority.

So, it is obvious that after the results are announced either two or more political parties have to come together in all depictions to form Boards. The proposition however is not that simple. The only theory that looks favourable is that Edward’s Hamro Party and Thapa’s BGPM may come together to form the Board as both of them are going to the polls without carrying extra baggage.

The other hypothesis can be either BGPM or Hamro Party have a coalition with TMC and may form the board. GJMM and TMC can also make Board if they win. However, in all motion, it’s a win-win proposition for the ruling TMC and a lose-lose situation for the regional parties.

Lastly, another argument is that if GNLF manages to win some seats and BJP loses, would the GNLF think twice before going into a coalition with TMC to form the Civic Board or with any other parties like BGPM or Hamro Party or even with GJMM? GNLF has been long away from power. They would definitely desire to get some even if they have the remotest chance or even at the cost of an alliance.

Can the Darjeeling Municipality election pave the way ahead for a newer alliance and strengthen regionalism or would it further deteriorate the existing localism and pave way for TMC to further establish their dominance. Would it be the end of the saffron brigade in the Hills? Would the election be a deciding factor for some politicians to retire from active politics and seek refuge elsewhere? Or Would it permanently sabotage the demand for Statehood?

Wait for 02/ 03/ 2022 .

Writes: Chandan Pariyar

The post Darjeeling Municipality Elections and the Gorkha Political Future appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

The voters have no clarity of options to choose from the list of candidates given the (in)credibility or their issue- based manifesto. Ideological differences and political conundrum have led to further obfuscation of the whole spectrum of voting process. Political retaliatory theory for who did what in the past has polluted the thought process of majority of the clear thinking populace. Even as this insensibility persists, other polarising views suggest that religious nationalistic agenda is afoot amid certain section of educated elite which in this scenario is not unreasonable.

 Let’s analyse some of the chronological occurrences that have contributed to this bizarre situation and impasse.

During the last agitation in 2017, TMC or rather it’s supremo Mamata didi wreaked havoc in the hills in connivance with police force and administration while trying to crush the agitation that was increasingly becoming violent and uncontrollable. A number of agitators were brutalised, shot at, killed and scores arrested. Thousands flee their homes. A spate of state sponsored violence and persecution forced top-rung leaders to go underground.

Stringent criminal act such as UAPA was slapped on Gurung and his coterie forcing him and his men to remain in hiding and be incommunicado for over three years. Conversely some feeble -minded turncoats through chicanery and subterfuge, shifted their allegiance to Didi to enjoy freedom and power till recent EC dictat. Thus agitation died an agonising death.

Meanwhile, few months ago, Bimal Gurung suddenly dramatically surfaced in Kolkata and in a press conference announced his severance of longstanding ties with saffron party, literally fawning before Didi singing paeans to support her in hustings, surprising many and evoking stinging trolls in the hills. This hugely changed the equation vis-a-vis other stakeholders. His trusted friends deserted him as in the past opting for greener pastures. The idea of retaliatory bashing to Didi through hustings for how she persecuted hill people is gaining currency. Now clearly this abrupt change in political perspective has pushed sensible people to the corner, bursting to the seams.

The inevitable questions doing the rounds in social media etc. would be something like the following: –

• Should we vote for candidates supporting BJP (GNLF, CPRM, ABGL etc.) with the sole aim of punishing Mamata for her role in crushing our legitimate demands, ignoring BJP’s equally questionable lies and passive stance which now stand exposed after Gurung’s unceremonious departure? Freshly resurrected GNLF, supporting BJP, seems to be embroiled in internal differences with a frontline powerful leader Ajay Edward openly rebelling against party president’s decision in fielding candidates in Darjeeling constituency ignoring his candidature. The insensitivities disappeared somehow but resonance persists. Such an action without rhyme and reason would amount to perversion. The most crucial and topical issues should hinge on assurances and betrayal, our safety, development, job opportunities, price rise, constitutional rights and freedom at national level that dog our society and nation and not on personal aggrandisement.

• Should we vote for either of the 2 factions of GJMM? They have announced their allegiance to Didi who has so far unilaterally manoeuvred her way into the core of this divided house. Will their allegiance change if we vote for either of the two factions, dividing their votes thereby helping BJP gain more vote shares paving way for their ideological defeat? These narratives are based only on conscientious assumptions amongst politically savvy and erudite voters. Other than this, pattern of casting votes will depend mostly on personal ethos and individual reckoning which invariably reek of bias and prejudice. Here it is important to scrutinize and ascertain how Gurung’s entry in the fray with his assurance of alliance with Didi albeit his meek Gorkhaland gimmicks, can determine and influence voting pattern. There is this Binoy faction with strong support base to reckon with. Has Bimal Gurung unwittingly committed political harakiri by dumping his mentors at the wrong time? Or is there any guarantee that Binay & Co. will also not jump ship, as their won’t is, in the event of BJP coming to power?

• Irrespective of how the game is played out, one thing is for sure. Conscious voters shall be hugely impacted and influenced by the dramatic occurrences unfurling in the political arena of the two predominant parties pitted against each other in Kolkata. This election in the hills will be watched with intrigue as mere three seats could make a difference to both stakeholders. All the voters who can make a conscious decision will be caught between a proverbial rock and hard place. Fight for your right by casting your votes to individuals who you believe can uphold your self-esteem and dignity which at the moment seem moribund.

Writes: Ashok Waiba

The post An Election without Passion appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

The True Colours of GNLF – We Cannot Forget

The history of Darjeeling and Kalimpong hills is just not about the toy train, timber, and tea but it is also about its dark tryst with cold-blooded murders, unsolved and unresolved till date, swept under the carpet by those who did it and those who supported it.

The new age voters, the millennial, the educated, the social media savvy generation, swayed by the “soft politics” promoted by the same perpetrators now needs to know about the dark days where the voice of democracy was silenced by the mere words “ 6 Inches “ “Cha Inchee.. Ghatai Dinchu”!

 2^ND October 2020 marked the day when one of the most charismatic and flamboyant leaders of the erstwhile undivided Darjeeling district was murdered in broad daylight in what today is known as C.K. Chowk, Kalimpong named after the man himself C.K. Pradhan, who fell foul with his own boss Mr. Subash Ghishing. It has been 18 years yet his family has not found justice, but everyone knows which party was behind his gruesome murder.

The politics of the hills have always been about the infighting within us “Gorkhas”. According to unverified estimates, there were close to 300 murders of political activists from the opposing party during the agitation of 1986 itself, done and perpetuated by none other than the carders of GNLF.

“A few months after Subash Ghising accepted the idea of New Delhi and Calcutta forming the DGHC, the popular senior leader of the Indian Communist Party (Marxist) and former member of the State Assembly TS Gurung was murdered near his home in 1989. Despite being a leftist, he was a staunch supporter of the Gorkhaland movement. Santosh Karki, secretary of the Kalebung Municipal Committee of the same party, was killed in 1992”. – Ananda Shrestha Himal Khabarpatrika

Prakash Thing, a member of the erstwhile DGHC was gunned down just near where he lived, so was Rudra Pradhan, a DGHC member, who was hacked right in the hustle and bustle of Central Darjeeling town on March 1999, merely a week after his victory in the elections.

The list goes on and on; nobody dared to speak against the hegemony of the GNLF for the simple fear of “having their heads cut off” by the guys wearing duplicate camouflage army jackets and big “falter hats” (local lingo),” bolis ki moris”

These are the events the new age voters don’t remember, they only remember the misdeeds of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, as such tend to sway towards the soft politics played by the so-called new generation of GNLF Leaders who are nothing but foxes in the clothing of sheep.

Tyranny, fear-mongering, broad daylight murdering, looting “patang, chuppi, bhamphak, khukuri wielding hoodlums ruled the roost and that image of theirs has not changed yet. They are dormant right now but are waiting for the appropriate moment to rise again to their glory days.

However, the new age voters have every right to decide his/her own adult franchise, but whether they want the days of “6 Inches” to return or want their freedom of speech and democracy to remain intact depends on them.

Writes: Vivek Chettri

The post The True Colours of GNLF – We Cannot Forget appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

It is very embarrassing and heart wrenching for me to get sarcastic remarks being an Indian Nepali or Gorkha in the rest part of Indian soul. Living away from the cold mountain air and friendly own community of the hill for Postgraduate and M.Phil. Studies did come across many times with such sarcastic remarks as Chinese because of having ‘Chimso’ eyes and “How Nepali language while living in Bengal!” considered as some bitter remarks are the inner pains of the Indian Gorkha who resides plains or rest part of Indian soil.

However, there might be many historical and other reasons behind the demand for Gorkhaland. Though, Indian Gorkha identity, linguistic and geographical identity is the most important from a personal perspective.

The demand for separate territory for Gorkhaland or Indian Gorkhas dates back many years. Giving this all a quick read, it seems we are pretty much in agreement. In 1907, for the first time, the demand for a separate state or territory was placed on the then Morley-Minto Reform Panel.

After India’s independence in 1952, the All-India Gorkha League demanded a separate state from Bengal before the then Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Daulat Das, president of the District Workers’ Union in 1955, also has a history of demanding separate territory before the State Reorganization Committee.

In 1977, the West Bengal government decided to form an autonomous district council comprising Darjeeling and surrounding areas.

In 1981, the provincial council asked then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for a separate territory for the Indian Gorkhas.

In the late eighties, there was a violent Gorkhaland movement from 1986 to 1988; led by Subash Ghising, supremo of the Gorkha National Liberation Front; as a result, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) was formed in 1988.

With the birth of the new party Gorkha Janamukti Morcha in the year 2007, a new beginning of the movement under the leadership of party president Shri Bimal Gurung took place, with a new principle of so called ‘Gandhism’ or ‘non-violence’. Though, the movement of Gorkhaland led by Shri Bimal Gurung stigmatized as more violent in the course of movement.

In 2011, the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) a new autonomous administration replacing DGHC been formed.Then again, we have the history of the Gorkhaland movement erupting in the year of 2013 and the year of 2017.

Within the long chapter of the above-mentioned agitated periods, the precious sacrifices and dedications made up by the Gorkhas especially local inhabitants of Darjeeling district, Kalimpong district and parts of terai regions, seems applauded. Unfortunately, our dream stands still unsettled.

However, providing the required infrastructure or resources for Gorkhaland is one of the most important aspects for our own community-upliftment and for years old demand. When we secure and strengthen the hill community and its resources then only, we will remain capable to enrich our identity and territory. Otherwise, after the formation of Gorkhaland, we cannot make best use of our own identity and separate land representative. And this is an indigestible but bitter truth.

Thereby, a brighter future will enable us to strengthen our hill resources.

There are two main aspects to strengthening our own resources – ‘human resources’ and ‘natural resources’. Let us try to make a brief attempt to observe the prominence of these two major resources in the current context of hills.

A. The obligatory human resources for Gorkhaland– Human resources can be considered as major asset for any country, race, and language. If human resources are not well-built, the future of any country, race and language is in danger and the risk of other external influences may enlarged.

Education considered as a weapon to strengthen the human resources of the Darjeeling hills. Hill education is once considered a world-renowned educational destination. We have witnessed the golden era of Darjeeling hills till mid of 90s. However, the frequent directionless and lack of futurist Gorkhaland movement can be considered as a major factor in bringing hill education to the flip-side. The frequent movement has resulted in prolonged closure of hill educational institutions; political uncertainties etc. are considered as major factors. At the same time, declining educational standards in the hills with rapid commercialization of educational institutions, political interference for the appointment of teaching faculty and irresponsible negative conduct like nepotism seem to be working to bring down the standard of education in the hills.

Considering another perspective, the declining craze for higher education among the hill youth can also be considered as a wake-up call towards downgrading human resources. The mentality of comparing education as a means of earning money has flourished in our society which results; many young people flee to different parts of the country and foreign land for better earnings and livelihoods after completing their secondary education or higher secondary education.

Although behind every migration, there are many reasons and compulsions lie as no one wants to flee, but the uncertain future of the hills, mounting unemployment, lack of opportunities and the lack of approachable quality educational institutions are also factors behind it. There is not a single university in the hills at present (hopefully in near future we will have our own university in the hills). All the hill colleges are affiliated with the same university based in plain (Siliguri). As consequences, during the recent Gorkhaland movements, the hill students had to face unfair treatment or bias in the field of education (especially during undergraduate studies). Single digit awarded marks and low percentage of undergraduate level students during their respective exams; the pain ​​still lingers.

Last year, the global coronavirus pandemic has severely ruined the entire academic session. Those who may have acquired online education, but there is no doubt that, most of the students were unable to access online education and globally dropout rate will increase rapidly in near future as UNICEF studies predicted.

Technology and the Internet are now a boon for students in the field of education. But it’s undeniable that, negative impacts of mishandling of internet are even greater which severely deteriorates the studies of our youth and teenagers.

All the above are worms that are ruining human resources of the hills, which all we need to acknowledge on time as well as find collective solutions of it.

Therefore, towards empowering human resources, more and more administrative officers, officials in higher ranks and erudite minds are need of the hour for long pending demand of Gorkhaland. Because violence and emotional zeal will not only allow us to turn the dream of Gorkhaland come true. Now is the time to show the battle of intellectuality and the potential of human resources in the hills.

Now what steps can be taken to strengthen the human resources in the hills?

1. For Education, we need to create an environment, free from fear and terror so that our children do not fall on the ground of intellectuality. There should not be any compromises in the field of education.
2. Advanced education infrastructure needs to be developed and preserved our existing education values. There is a need to widespread strengthening rural education infrastructure in the hills. The development of laboratories, libraries, appointment of qualified/trained teachers, and proper development of infrastructure of schools can strengthen the human resources of the hills to some extent. The contribution of private and residential educational institutions in the development of the hills till date is praiseworthy. However, private, and residential educational institutions can provide more services and support to strengthen hill education. It is my opinion that, providing more facilities to the poor meritorious students to enter the reputed schools based in the hills; would be a great help to the society to strengthen the human resources of the hills.
3. There should be an initiative to provide proper guidance and facilities to our students. The children of our hills are gifted. All they need the right guidance and facilities. Local administrations, various development boards based in the hills and other educational institutions need to take more comprehensive initiatives viz. career guidance and counseling, scholarships opportunities for various competitive examinations, free coaching etc. Our human resources will be reinforced in near future if our society, concerned departments as well as various other social organizations can come forward and lend a hand for holistic quality education approach.

B. The natural resources of the hill considered as another important asset. It is well known that many Gorkhaland movements have wreaked havoc on the hill’s natural resources. According to various studies it reveals, during the violent Gorkhaland movement of 1986, there was widespread destruction of hill forests, which has resulted in extensive degradation or impact on the biodiversity of the hills.  Movements at various times since then have caused extensive damage to the hill’s natural resources. During recent Gorkhaland movement, 100 days strike resulted widespread human encroachment into the interior part of the forest, excessive deforestation, unbalanced collection, and consumption of various natural resources can all be considered detrimental steps for our own environment. Apart from this, all the development works that are being carried out indiscriminately such as development of tourist spots, reckless deforestation for sake of various development projects can be advantageous for short term, but the long-term impact remains unconstructive. There are many aspects such as declining production of world-famous tea in Darjeeling, declining production of quality tea; negative effects of changing mountain weather on tea plants, lack of replanting of existing tea plants for years are notable threats for hills economy and livelihoods. Tea is not only an economic pillar for us but also a valuable natural resource of the hill economy. It is also the responsibility of the concerned department to preserve it for the long run. In addition, organic farming practices, production of oranges, various herbs and medicinal plants, production of cardamom, etc. needs special protection and balanced management.

As the state of Sikkim has shown exceptional progress and pattern in the field of organic farming. Similarly, there is a strong possibility that, we can develop the production and management of various crops for the development of organic farming.

At the end, the dream of every Indian Gorkha identity is Gorkhaland and we have fought a lot for it. But, how serious and capable we are for Gorkhaland is a something deep and serious question. When our long-term dream comes true, we need to make good use of it; for which the human and natural resources of the hills must need to be well-built and we must all bear the collective responsibility to make capable and best use of it.

Writes: Noel Giri

The post Dream of Gorkhaland – Through a Standpoint of Major Hill Resources appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

The 114 years old Gorkhaland dreams became Betrayed Land.

The opening chapter in the winner of the fictional 2006 man booker prize ’The inheritance of Loss’  by Kiran Desai tells the correct political history of the Darjeeling hills – “A great amount of warring, betraying, bartering had occurred; between Nepal, England, Tibet, India, Sikkim, Bhutan, Darjeeling stolen from here, Kalimpong plucked from there making ridiculous the drawing of  the borders.” Such a political history led to the political uncertainty and identity crisis amongst the Nepali speaking (Gorkha) Indian citizens that fueled the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland since 1907.

The chronological series of the demand for statehood is as under

1907 – The first demand for Gorkhaland was submitted to the British government and the government of Independent India for separation from Bengal.

1952 – The All-India Gorkha League submits a memorandum to then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru demanding separation from the state of Bengal.

1955 – A demand for creation of separate state consisting of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar district was submitted to the State Reorganization Committee.

1977- 81 – The West Bengal government passes a resolution supporting the creation of an autonomous district council consisting of Darjeeling and related areas. In 1981, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi receives a memorandum demanding a separate state.

1980-90 – The demand for Gorkhaland was intensified in the 1980s under the leadership of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) leader late Subhash Ghisingh. After two-year-long violent protests and countless strikes, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) was formed in 1988.

2007 – Riding on mass support and success of  Prashant Tamang, an Indian Idol winner from Darjeeling a renewed mass movement for Gorkhaland takes place under the leadership of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM). The movement comes to an end after Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee declared Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA).

2009 General Elections – The GJM offered its support to BJP and Jaswant Singh the former union minister of finance, external affairs and defence after the BJP pledged to help create Gorkhaland. BJP won the seat and opened its account in  West Bengal but Gorkha Land never happened.

2013 – The demand for separation rose again due to the division of Andhra Pradesh peacefully under the leadership of GJM.

2014 General elections – Veteran politician and National Vice President of BJP, Surinderjeet Singh Ahluwalia wins Darjeeling with the support of GJM. GJM supported BJP after it made a changed its Lok Sabha poll manifesto mentioning that it will “sympathetically examine and appropriately consider the long-pending demands of the Gorkhas” but Gorkha Land never happened.

2017 – The Mamta Banerjee led Trinamool Congress West Bengal government’s decision to impose Bengali language in all the schools from Class I-IX in June 2017, sparks unrest. The GJM reacted by demanding full statehood for the northern hill areas of Bengal, including Terai and Dooars regions and staged 104 days of strike that paralyzed life.

2019 General Elections – For the first time in three decades, the call for a separate Gorkhaland state does not become a poll issue in the hills. Instead, minimum wages for tea workers, potable water, electricity, education and employment and restoration of democracy forms the major election issue. BJP MP Raju Bista won the seat.

2021 West Bengal Assembly Elections – GJM feels betrayed by BJP and its statehood promises of the past and decides to join the Mamta Banerjee led Trinamool Congress to keep out BJP from the hills and the region becomes a mud slinging political  field and between the regional parties and their leaders threatening the fragile peace and slow development of the region.

The above facts prove that and the Queen of Hills has and exploited by all parties for their vested interest and the 114 years long and painful  GorkhaLand dream and future of Darjeeling looks more like that of a Dhoka Land as young people have lost hope on their leaders as well for a bright future.

What next?

Queen of the hills, Darjeeling deserves to be better politically, strategically as well as economically. She has immense potential in terms of climate and enterprising and friendly people to nourish its soul through tourism, tea and timber. The location of the district bordering Nepal, Bangladesh and  Bhutan at the sensitive Siliguri corridor makes it a very important and strategic district in India. It cannot afford to be political fodder for centuries and a showpiece of failed promises and an avenue for exploitation. One option to solve the century-old issue is by making it the 9th union territory of the Republic of India in consultation with all the parties and public of the region. Such a step might help to achieve its true potential and reinforce India’s security concerns. The merits of Darjeeling being a union territory would be:

It will have lower taxes or no taxes in some cases as compared to the states.  This will benefit most people as essential commodities like cars, fuel and may others will be cheaper. It will help to heal the decades-old economic stagnation.

It will be directly under the control of the Central government.  This will end the political betrayal both by national and local parties and their so-called sympathetic leaders and their manifestos. Above all, this will reinforce India’s strategic and defence interests for all times to come. For centuries the brave Gorkha soldiers of Darjeeling hills have given their blood and life for India. It is time India explores viable options like this and gives them the status of the next union territory status and make Darjeeling hills the Queen of Development and Prosperity and not leave it as a century-old  Inheritance of Loss in the real world.

The parties and politics have failed Darjeeling Hills. Can the  young generation take the lead now?

Writes:  Dhruba  Sapkota

The post A Betrayed Queen and the Union Territory of Darjeeling appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

“But collective thinking is usually short-lived. We’re fickle, stupid beings with poor memories and a great gift for self-destruction.” ― Suzanne Collins, Mockingjay

The proposed 7^th of August meeting, called by union Home Ministry to “review the issues related to Gorkhaland Territorial Administration” has got the political temperatures soaring in the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars. While some see this as an attempt by the Bharatiya Janata Party to gain some political mileage prior to the upcoming 2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly elections, others see it as an attempt to impose or reintroduce Gorkhaland Territorial Administration once again. Some are blaming Bimal Gurung, some BJP, some Raju Bista and some have even gone to the extent of seeing a conspiracy in the recent visit to Delhi by GNLF chief Mann Ghising and the timing of this announcement by the Union Home Ministry.

All arguments are valid, and invalid at the same time.

Valid, mostly because it relates to every individual’s freedom of speech, which I hold sacrosanct, and invalid because most of what is going around is pure speculation and nothing else. So here’s my two bit on the issue and what I think the letter was meant to be and what it will not be.

Amit Shah – the overlooked

Among the many Home Ministers of present and past, Amit Shah stands among one of the most powerful and influential. Although it’s too early to judge his tenure, but many in the national political arena have started to equate his term so far with that of the great Sardar Ballabh Bhai Patel, and with good reasons. The decisiveness with which Modi 2.0 has moved forward on various issues concerning our nation for long, almost makes it appear that Amit Shah is in a hurry.  Repealing of Article 370, introducing Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), introduction of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019 banning triple talaq, resolution to Bodoland issue and many minor and major bills introduced by the government in the past one year, all have trademark Amit Shah seal in them.

What I feel is that, anyone taking this invitation lightly, should study how abrogation of Article 370 to bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories of J&K and Ladhak actually happened.

The end result is apparent to many, but it took years of planning and patience for the Union Government to pull this through. I’d advise those interested to look into some aspects of it – despite being their ideological opposite, why did BJP formed an alliance with PDP in J&K? What was the significance of the then Governor of J&K state giving his accent to the application of the 103^rd Constitutional Amendment 2019 to J&K, and how it eventually turned out, was just a platform to enable the Governor to later agree on behalf of the people of J&K to the abrogation of Article 370.

In India today, no one plays the long game better than Amit Shah.

So an invitation form the Home Ministry, no matter how insignificant it may seem, should not be taken very lightly.

The Beginning of the End

I think, I must have been in class 12 when someone gifted me a t-shit, which read, “everybody wants to go to heaven, but nobody wants to die.” Same is the case with most of our politicians who apparently want “Gorkhaland”. Today, GJM, GNLF, GTA2 administrators and everyone and sundry are claiming that “we will not accept any invitation for talks to GTA, we will only attend talks for Gorkhaland”. Well it’s like saying, what my t-shirt said, “I want to go to heaven, but I don’t want to die”.

After a hard fought andolan of 4-years from 2007 to 2011, finally the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration Agreement was signed between the Center, WB Govt and GJM representatives. The invitation, specifically to GJM is clearly for the resumption of the dialogue from where the center had left it in 2011. The File Number at the top of the letter, F.NO. 12013/01/2011-SR is a dead giveaway. In probability the invitation wasn’t sent to other political parties, as they were not a part of the GTA Agreement. I don’t think it had anything to do with the recent GJM representatives meeting the Home Minister or the GNLF representatives meeting the top echelons of BJP leadership.

The review of GTA would undoubtedly reveal how ineffective, corrupt and useless this semi-autonomous body has been. It would also reveal, how this body has totally and completely failed to fulfill the aspirations of the people from our region. After due review, chances were the Center being one of the signatories would call for GTA’s dissolution, as it has failed in all fronts, thus naturally paving a way for the talks to Permanent Political Solution.

But no, no one wants to attend this meeting.

So the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration performance, effectiveness and finances won’t be reviewed, at least for now. Our politicians all seem eager to reach the destination, but without starting the journey.

Basic Talks

I guess, our politicians should owe up to their mistakes, and admit that what they have sought with the center the fabled “tripartite talks” will have to begin from the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration agreement of 2011. This is because that is what had been signed upon, so for the Center GTA will continue to remain the starting point for any future discussions, as long as it’s tripartite in nature. West Bengal government is in no mood to attend any talks what so ever, regarding Darjeeling and involving Centre. So asking for “tripartite talks” itself is wrong.

What our politicians should have instead demanded for is “bipartite talks” – simple and straight forward. Talks between Centre and the Gorkha representatives concerning the demand for Gorkhaland state, or Permanent Political Solution for Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars.

Article 3 of our Constitution, makes the Central Government the sole authority over division and realigning of state. More often than not, state governments will always oppose division of the existing state, because it will divide the resources and the power sphere of the state and its politicians. There is a reason why the Doordarshan shut down broadcast of Parliamentary proceedings on the day voting for Telangana state was to take place. Most leaders from Andhra Pradesh were opposed to the formation of Telangana state. But that did not stop Indian National Congress from going ahead with the bifurcation of the state, despite stiff resistance from majority of the AP Congress leaders.

Similarly for Gorkhaland too, the decision has to be taken by the Center, so I don’t see any point in demanding “tripartite talks,” as WB State will never agree or consent to any parallel administrative set up be it a new State, UT or some other arrangement for our region. The demand should be for “Bipartite talks” and Center should be compelled to take a decisive action, in the greater interest of nation building.

Bureaucratic Gaffe

Politicians, even if they are of Amit Shah’s stature do rely on bureaucrats for information, ideas and processes. This time around, whoever sent that GTA Review letter seems to have ignored the previous communications in this regard.

Responding to an RTI query on why the Govt of India was not conducting a “tripartite meeting” to resolve the Gorkhaland impasse, on the 9^th August, 2018 itself one Mr. Krishna Kumar, Deputy Secretary of CS Division under the Home Ministry had responded,

 “… the Govt of West Bengal vide letter dated 10.11.2017 replied that the GTA was one of the prime agencies for development and infrastructure work in the hill areas. The members of the earlier elected body had resigne in the month of July. The State Government as an interim measure reactivated this body by nominating some members. In absence of elected members in the GTA, the Govt of West Bengal is of the view that it is neither desirable nor even appropriate to hold tripartite talks at this stage. The proposal may be kept in abeyance for the time being,”

So, had the current JS Union Home Ministry done his research proper, s/he would have come to know that review meeting of GTA was not possible, as it did not have any elected members, and they should have informed the Home Minister prior to sending out the invitation.

So for me, the letter that was sent out was just another example of bureaucratic laziness, they should have done their homework proper.

They didn’t.

What Next?

Well, I don’t know about others, but this incident has given me hope. It has exemplified that the Centre is willing to talk over and discuss issues relating to Darjeeling.

You may disagree with me, but dig this, those who see this invitation as a BJP manoeuvre for political reasons alone haven’t thought it through. Because let’s accept it, as far as West Bengal politics is concerned, we are political not as significant as we like to believe. In a house of 294 MLAs, Gorkhas can influence 16 seats from Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars, that’s indeed a lot, but not as much as losing those other 278 seats where anti-Gorkhaland sentiments are strong. Truth be told, BJP is set to gain much more if they turn a blind eye and deaf ears to the plight of Gorkhas in Bengal. But the fact they haven’t done so, tells a story in itself.

I believe, the Union Home Ministry will do well to rescind this invite for official level talks to discuss and review GTA related issue. Rather, they should focus on calling for Political Dialogue with the proponents of Gorkahland statehood, and work towards finding a Permanent Political Solution – be it a new state of Gorkhaland or a Union Territory.

Political talks will give certain degree of immunity to those who are currently underground, and will also help in bring about the much needed honesty and sincerity in dealing with the perennial political problems. afflicting our region.

Rest Follows.

The post Gorkhaland Territorial Administration Review Meeting – A Political Masterstroke or a Bureaucratic Gaffe? appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Hence, all eyes are now fixed on how the Union government moves forward with finding a permanent political solution to the long-pending demand for a separate state Gorkhaland – comprising of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars. Many sceptics thought are concerned, will they make any move at all.

From what I have seen so far, NDA II government is in no mood to miss out on the opportunities provided by the historic mandate they received, and the responsibilities that come with it.

Civilisational and legacy issues

A year ago, no one would have believed if you told them the government was planning to do away with Article 370 and Article 35A. Article 370 underpinned Article 35A of the Indian Constitution, which empowered the Jammu and Kashmir state’s legislature to define “permanent residents” of the state and provide special rights and privileges to those permanent residents.

This law though seemingly protective of the people from Jammu & Kashmir was by very nature highly discriminatory and exploitative. This law permitted unequal rights for the citizens of the state – men had more rights over women, Kashmiris of Gorkha and Balmiki (SC) origin were discriminated against and treated as second-class citizens.

Taking the bull by its proverbial horn, the Union government did away with the Presidential declaration which had permitted Article 35A to become a law. The division of Jammu & Kashmir State into two separate administrative units – Union Territories of Ladakh and J&K, opens up a wide range of possibilities. Most important of all being the reunion of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir region of Gilgit-Baltistan with our nation.

Another important decision taken by the government was the passing of Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill 2019 which makes ‘triple talaq’ illegal. While the NDA government held that talaq-e-biddat or instantaneous talaq, as a practice discriminates against women, and thus needs to be criminalised, the Opposition argued that it impinged on the religious freedom of the Muslim community bestowed in Article 25 and 26 of the Indian Constitution. Despite the opposition, the government went ahead and the bill was passed by Parliament as a law on July 30, 2019, to make instant ‘triple talaq’ a criminal offence.

Focusing on financial reforms, the government announced the merger of 10 state-owned banks to form four large banks. The move was aimed at providing relief to banks from rising NPAs and better banking facilities to consumers.

Peaceful resolution of Bodoland demand and Bru refugee case, issues that had remained unaddressed for generations, shows the commitment of the government to resolve all civilisational and legacy issues that have plagued our nation.

Among those legacy issues this government has tackled are the updating of National Register of Citizens in Assam and the granting of citizenship rights to persecuted minority refugees from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan.

NRC and CAA – blues and greys

When the Supreme Court of India instructed the Union government to update the National Register of Citizens for the state of Assam under its monitoring in 2013, not many knew what would be its consequences. The final updated NRC for Assam published on August 31, 2019, contains over 3.1 crore names out of its population of 33 million or 3.3 crores, leaving out 19 lakh applicants. It is alleged that the majority among them are Hindu refugees/immigrants from Bangladesh, and also substantial number Gorkhas.

The day NRC list in Assam was published, Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh (BGP) – a quasi-political organisation – claimed: “over one lakh Gorkhas have been left out of NRC roll”. Despite no official substantiation of the figures, even by Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh themselves till date, this number has caught popular fancy. “One lakh Gorkhas have been left out,” has been repeated so often by BGP, TMC, and Binay-Anit faction that by now everyone takes it to be gospel, though I have my doubts.

NRC process as implemented in Assam under the supervision of Supreme Court was imperfect, and there is no doubt that a large number of genuine Indian citizens have been left out of the NRC, but over the course of time, I am certain all kinks will be resolved.

CAA and the politics of fear

Following the passage of Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019, Assam was the first state where protests began. A majority of the Assamese citizens feared that 1.9 lakh whose names have been left out of the NRC will be settled in Assam itself. Gradually this fear spread across Northeast and the government had to clarify they won’t be settled in any parts of Northeast.

In Darjeeling region, this alleged figure of Gorkhas being left out from NRC in Assam has been used as the prime tool for fear-mongering among the Gorkha populace and used as a political agenda by all those who are opposed to BJP. On one hand, TMC-backed Development Board members are protesting against “racist CAA law which discriminates against Muslims”, on the other, TMC-backed Binay-Anit faction are protesting against the fear that “NRC rejects from Assam will be settled in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars”.

Their fears are well-founded though, as West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has time and again said “anyone who is displaced due to NRC will be settled in Bengal,” and our region is the most likely place she may settle additional refugees in. As a remedy, they have demanded Inner Line Permit (ILP) to be implemented in our region.

Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), one of the BJP allies, has demanded that our region be included under the Sixth Schedule of our Constitution so that “the region is protected from a fresh wave of immigrants”.

Amidst this, the government announced the signing of a new peace treaty with the Bodo-groups that were on the frontline of armed struggle for a separate state of Bodoland on January 27, 2020. Once the terms of the agreement became public, someone whose opinion I highly regard tweeted, “What a joke on Bodo people by BJP! The Bodos are seeking their own state and not an administrative arrangement within Assam. The govt is clearly & openly cheating the Bodos of Assam.” [sic]

GTA vs Bodoland Territorial Council

The GTA agreement signed in 2011 mentions the “setting up of an autonomous body empowered with administrative, financial and executive powers in regard to various subjects to be transferred to the said body for the development of the region and restoration of peace and normalcy there.” The Bodoland agreement reads, “The process of BTC to have more legislative, executive and administrative and financial powers in respect of additional subjects as enumerated at Annex – I within 90 days.” It includes issues relating to electrification and energy, the welfare of minority communities, trade and commerce, MSME, education, etc, in addition to the existing lists of legislative autonomy already granted to the BTAD under Sixth Schedule of our constitution.

My reading and understanding of the Bodo Agreement show that the Bodos are getting Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) like to set up, with legislative powers added in. This could be a game-changer, though.

As well-meaning as GTA agreement was, the West Bengal government under Mamata Banerjee absolutely refused to allow it to function to its full potential. There was no administrative or functional autonomy, and almost all the departments that were to be transferred to GTA were never transferred in spirit. Every dotting the I’s and crossing the t’s had to be approved by Nabanna, and while the elected representatives of GTA were left with lots of responsibilities and public expectations, the actual powers rested with the office of the district magistrate. Also, GTA never had any legislative power. So, it never went on to fulfil the aspirations of the people from our region.

Gorkhaland – the possibilities

Given how NDA 2.0 has been proactive in tackling issues of national importance one by one, it is a foregone conclusion that they will take up the issues concerning finding a permanent political solution to the long-pending demands of the people from Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars in the coming days. All indications hint at a possible settlement post-2021 Bengal elections.

However, the Union government shouldn’t seek to wrap up the Gorkhaland issue as they did with Bodoland issue. The Bodos do not suffer from an identity crisis, and their main bone of contention has been effective protection and recognition of Bodo people as a separate indigenous entity in Assam. Whereas the Gorkhas suffer from a grave crisis of identity, whereby we have always been viewed with suspicion by others. Whenever we have asked for our rights, the West Bengal government has blatantly labelled us as “foreigners, terrorists and outsiders”.

The people here expect NDA II government to take decisive action on Gorkhaland statehood issue. Instead of more power to semi-autonomous bodies like DGHC or GTA, the government should seek to either form Gorkhaland state or the Union Territory of Gorkhaland and nothing less.

Personally, given the sensitive border zone that our place is, I’d prefer a Union Territory for our region. Already enough blood has been shed over the Gorkhaland issue, and NDA II government is well poised to take a historic decision that will ensure long-term safety and security of the vulnerable ‘chicken’s neck’ region of our nation.

As a friend of mine was reminding me the other day: “A stitch in time, can save nine”.

This article was originally published here.

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To put this in context, our MP Shri Raju Bista has placed a demand for the implementation of the 3 tier Panchayati Raj system in Darjeeling by an amendment of Article 243 M (3).

GNLF says that Shri Bishta should not take this initiative forward as the existing Article provides a special security and protection shield to the Gorkhas. Their statement has left the Gorkhas befuddled as we cannot comprehend how security and protection are guaranteed by the existing Article

Very recently, Mr Gautam Deb spoke about Gorkhas being forced to leave Darjeeling Tarai and Dooars if NRC is implemented. Perhaps the GNLF can throw some light on this issue. Furthermore, the Article in question, 243 M(3) has validity within the jurisdiction of DGHC and DGHC does not exist anymore which automatically invalidates Article 243 M (3). In the absence of DGHC, this Article does not hold any worth. It only took one simple sentence in the GTA Agreement to make DGHC null and void. This in itself reflects the constitutional insignificance of DGHC and the doublespeak of GNLF’s belief that DGHC was constitutional in character. Clause (b) of the said Article which says “Shall be construed to affect the functions and powers of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council constituted under such law.” makes it clear that the Clause (a), which says “Relating to Panchayats at the district level shall apply to the hill areas of the District of Darjeeling in the State of West Bengal for which Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council exists under any law for the time being in force;” which Mr Zimba is trying to sell to our innocent folks, is only to give meaning to the functions and powers of DGHC. It would be enlightening to hear Mr Zimba’s clarification on his patently false statement on Panchayati Institutions in Darjeeling.

Why is he adamant to have either the one or two-tier Panchayati System than the three-tier, which is more powerful and beneficial to the region. His position and by default the GNLF’s position points to the historicity of their ideology. They signed the tripartite agreement for the creation of DGHC. It was no bigger in scope and functioning than the Zilla Parishad, the highest tier of the three-tier system. DGHC being equivalent to Zilla Parishad, they did not want another system in place that could undermine the authority and monopoly of DGHC. On page 2 of the letter submitted to the MP, the GNLF states that “Article 243 M (3) was incorporated into the Indian Constitution in the year 1992 as per thev73rd Constitutional Amendment Act with the view to enable the erstwhile DGHC”. Are you than insisting that no amendment should take place to Article 243 M (3) to preserve the legacy of DGHC and the ‘achievement’ of Late Shri Subash Ghising at the cost of people’s well being and aspirations? If this is not true then why did you not consider adhering to the 73rd and 74th Amendments of the Constitution that was hailed as revolutionary with regards to local self-governance? Part IX of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act states “provides for a 3 tier Panchayat system, which would be constituted in every state at the village level, intermediate level, and district level.”

When the Act says three-tier, why did you choose and still insist on one or two-tier Panchayati system? It would be good that GNLF understands and accept that DGHC is repealed and look forward to the creation of Gorkhaland rather than becoming victims of their self created myths and nostalgia.

Further, the letter submitted by GNLF to the MP says “that the incorporation of Article 243 M(3) in the Constitution finds its basis on various important government documents and records relating to the administration of Scheduled and Tribal Areas which hitherto existed as Partially Excluded and Excluded Area respectively under British rule.” If you say this is important then why did GNLF not force or negotiate with the governments at the Centre and State to implement The Provisions of the Panchayat (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act 1996, Clause 4(a) of which states “a state legislation on the Panchayats that may be made shall be in consonance with customary law, social and religious practices and traditional management practices of community resources”. If GNLF had done this today it would have been easier to achieve Gorkhaland. But this would put the state in a disadvantageous position, therefore, the lack of agency on the part of GNLF.

Another pertinent question to GNLF and their spokesperson is that during the 1986 agitation the focus was the inclusion of Siliguri in and its importance for the state of Gorkhaland, but why did Subash Ghising choose to leave it outside the purview of DGHC? By agreeing to the one-tier system, Siliguri permanently was lost. When the time has come to rectify this mistake why are they making misplaced statements?

Another interesting fact is that, that Mr Zimba in one of his recent interviews says permanent political solution also means implementing sixth scheduled status to Darjeeling. But isn’t our goal to be separated from Bengal? Does the sixth schedule ensure our separation from Bengal? Let me tell the GNLF that on 25 November 2007, Buddhadev Bhattacharya, the then Chief Minister said: “if the Sixth Schedule is extended to the hill areas of Darjeeling, then, it will become a part of West Bengal forever.” Does Mr Zimba want to be part of West Bengal forever? I am sure he doesn’t. One of Bharatiya Gorkha Parishang’s publication notes that Sixth Schedule was thought off for the purpose of ending the demand of the people of Darjeeling and that Sixth Schedule was no different than DGHC in the exercise of functions and powers. So why is GNLF making so much noise regarding the credibility of the Sixth Schedule?

One tier Panchayati System in Darjeeling, Siliguri not being part of us, and the Sixth Schedule Status only helps the state of Bengal in strengthening it’s strangled hold over Gorkhaland. Why is Mr Zimba arguing in favour of arrangements that help the State and is clearly against Gorkhas and Gorkhaland?

There are many questions to ask. However, it is pertinent to understand that in the absence of Bimal Gurung, political actors are trying to make themselves relevant in the Hills, Tarai and Dooars. But we can clearly see that, in the present situation, these actors cannot act against and without the benevolence of the Bengal government.

The post GNLF Stand Against Grassroots Democracy is Baffling appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

The north deprived

Not many realise that politics in West Bengal has been designed to be predominated by the south at the cost of the north. Out of the 42 MP seats in the state, only seven are elected by the voters in the north, whereas the south get to elect a whopping 35 MPs. This regional disparity has always caused the north to be treated as a second-class region, undeserving of equality.

A case in point, not a single chief minister of West Bengal, since Independence, has been from the north. All the chief ministers of West Bengal, till date, have been elected from the south of Farakka, which for all intent and purpose is the physical boundary between north Bengal and south.

This divide in politics and geography, has resulted in a fractured understanding of the core issues that people in the north of Farakka face, among the successive governments of West Bengal. The complete obliteration of Trinamool Congress (TMC) from all the seven North Bengal seats – Cooch Behar, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, Balurghat, Raiganj and Malda North — in the recently concluded Lok Sabha polls, is indicative of how completely cut off and oblivious, the rulers from south Bengal have been about the north.

Anyone who doesn’t understand our lands and their people definitely doesn’t deserve to be ruling over us.

This lack of understanding and the inherent racism, becomes more pronounced when the rulers from south Bengal decide to thrust ‘peace and development’ by hook or crook on the northern most parts – Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars. In their desperate attempt at imposing their unchallenged rule, they tend to go overboard, forgetting the complexities involved, and end up with eggs on their face, every time. It was true of the Congress, it was true of the Communists, and now Mamata Banerjee. The north has always been from where the beginning of their end was signaled.

Commenting on every regime would be a tedious affair, so I am restricting to highlighting the three mistakes made by Mamata that ruined TMC chances of establishing base in the northern most part of Bengal.

Mishandling of anti-linguistic imperialism movement

On May 15 2017, when West Bengal education minister Partha Chatterjee announced compulsory imposition of Bengali language in all schools across the state on, it was but natural for a linguistically diverse region like Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars to rebel. The predominant language here is Nepali, followed by Hindi, Rajbongshi, Adivasi (comprising Santhali, Ol Chiki, etc), Lepcha, Tibetan, Meche Bihari, and other indigenous dialects, and not just Bengali.

Instead of dousing the flames of protest, Mamata continued to provocate the public here. Her police filed cases against academics, school teachers, and noted literary greats who had won Sahitya Akademi awards – just because they had attended a public seminar decrying the announcement made by the education minister. She announced that a Cabinet meeting of WB government will be held in Darjeeling – something that was totally unnecessary and easily avoidable. Later, as the protesters were brutalised by the police, the language movement metamorphosed into a full blown demand for Gorkhaland.

A move – provoking public through linguistic issue, leading to causing a coup d’etat and replacing hill political leaders with those more in-tune with sensitivities of Nabanna — backfired spectacularly. Mamata’s support for Binay Tamang, Anit Thapa, Amar Singh Rai, et al – who are seen and perceived as “betrayers and traitors” in the hills — was, in fact, the last straw that broke the proverbial camel’s back.

Mamata should have instead calmed the people down, and done her best to win people’s hearts. I know, that would require her to forgo her ego, and extend support to people’s aspirations for a separate state, but theoretically that’s what she should have done. Instead, she decided to unleash tyranny upon the people, through administrative mechanisms.

Administrative high-handedness

There are two ways of dealing with a public dissent — you can either listen to their grievances and rectify your position; or you can explain to the public why you took the decision that you took and request for their cooperation.

Mamata chose to do neither; instead, she sent bureaucrats and police officers who acted as her personal enforcers.

On the day, entire Darjeeling was crying at the funeral of three youths who had been shot dead by the police, the then Darjeeling DM Joyoshi Dasgupta played loud music through a microphone attached to her office window. The insensitivity on the part of the DM was appalling, but that’s what she was sent to do – to keep on provoking the locals.

Same was the case with the police officers. One such police officer, Soumyajit Roy, inspector-in-charge of Sadar police station in Darjeeling was accused of threatening to rape the mother and sister of a Gorkhaland supporter and burn down his house. The audio clip of the alleged call went viral, but instead of taking any action against the officer, Mamata gave him a bravery medal that year.

The National Commission for Women presented a very scathing report against then Darjeeling DM and Darjeeling SP to the home ministry and the government of West Bengal, but instead of punishing them, Mamata promoted them both. The then, SP Akhilesh Chaturvedi too was given a bravery medal.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn had once written, “You only have power over people as long as you don’t take everything away from them. But when you’ve robbed a man of everything, he’s no longer in your power — he’s free again.” Mamata obviously hasn’t read Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago, she should have.

Bad political advisors

Mamata Banerjee is a micro-manager, she likes to handle most of things herself. However, like all mercurial leaders, she has a close coterie of advisors who handle the background details for her. These advisors, by the virtue of their access to the leader, gain significant political clout in the party, the government and the administration. These political advisors, in turn had their political advisors, who had sources locally in the hills providing them with minute to minute information on what is going on and what is to be done next.

The problem with such a nexus is that, there is a plenty of room for those with delusions of grandeur to attempt at exaggerating, misinforming and misleading their higher-ups in order to increase their own self-worth with their benefactors. The local sources that Mamata’s inner circle of advisors relied on, let them down massively. I am told, they continued to misrepresent facts, even after massive electoral drubbing.

So much so that hill TMC president Rajen Mukhia had to go to the press to put it on record that Mamata was misled by those giving her wrong advice.

I won’t be surprised if tomorrow these same set of “local advisors” now migrate to GNLF and BJP, and ruin them in the same spectacular fashion, in which they ruined GJM – both Bimal Gurung and Binay Tamang groups and TMC.

‘Syanu tara bisalu’

For two years, from 2017 to 2019 people in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have suffered through an undeclared emergency like state, where anyone could get arrested over smallest of things, including writing articles like this.

With the public mandate going overwhelmingly in favour of NDA partners United Gorkha alliance, there is a renewed sense of hope among the people — A hope for a present without any fear of administrative excesses, and a future where the people get to live in a state or UT of our own.Even though people in the region lived under absolute suppression, kept their mouth shut and feigned fear, they showcased courage when it mattered the most – during elections.

The seeds to TMC decimation in this past election were ironically planted in June of 2017, when they started their reign of suppression, oppression and tyranny.

Darjeeling, such is the place and people who live, “syanu tara bisalu – small but lethal”.

Above article was first published here.

The post ‘Syanu Tara Bisalu’: Mamata Banerjee’s 3 Mistakes in Darjeeling appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

The 2019 Elections signaled a new political beginning in the Darjeeling hills as well. Nobody had imagined that GJM (Bimal) and GNLF would come together to fight the elections together. The GJM-GNLF alliance gave an upper hand to the BJP that was fighting against massive anti-incumbency sentiments. The test for the newly formed BJP-GJM-GNLF alliance was put through another test when the by-elections for Darjeeling were announced for 19th May. The alliance stuck together and fielded their consensus candidate for MLA seat as well.

TheDC announces its 2019 Opinion Poll based on what our readers have voted on the online poll we ran on our Social Media platforms.

General Elections 2019

For the MP Elections, the contest was between BJP’s Raju Bista and Amar Rai, the TMC candidate backed by GJM (Binoy faction).

• Total votes polled: 4.8K
• Amar Singh Rai, TMC – 884 votes (19%)
• Raju Bista, BJP – 3.8 K votes (81%)

Darjeeling By-elections

The MLA by-election was a close contest between the consensus candidate fielded by the BJP-GNLF-GJM (Bimal) alliance, Neeraj Zimba and the former GTA BoA Chairman, Binoy Tamang supported by the TMC. Benoy Tamang stepped down from his erstwhile position as the Chairman of GTA to fight this by-poll.

• Total votes polled: 4.5K
• Binay Tamang – 863 votes (19%)
• Neeraj Zimba – 3.6K votes (81%)

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