Sukanta Majumdar, the President of the West Bengal Bharatiya Janata Party, isn’t in anyway a Greek lady nor is anyway related to the Gods (notwithstanding the claims of being a non-biological being by his ultimate Guru), but comparison can be made here with Pandora’s stupidity, when he suggests that North Bengal be attached to DoNER (Department of North East Region).

Yes, I know he clarified his stand saying that he did not mean a division of West Bengal but only the attachment of eight districts of North Bengal to DoNER for the purpose of availing the resources that DoNER would offer. The fact remains that many of his colleagues and others associated with the saffron brigade have time and again suggested that the eight districts of North Bengal, including The Hill districts of Darjeeling and Kalimpong, be carved out of West Bengal and made into a separate State or Union territory. Some years back, rumours also suggested that five districts of north Bengal, including Darjeeling and Kalimpong, along with two districts of Bihar and a district of Assam was to be created into a separate administrative unit by the name of Simanchal Pradesh. This suggestion as with the suggestion of a separate North Bengal has received support from fringe groups, both in the Hills as well as the plains.

While whether North Bengal be made into a separate state or UT is least of my concern, what worries me is that the Districts of Darjeeling and Kalimpong are being included in this idea of North Bengal. This suggestion has stupidity written all over it. Why would we want to get out of the fire and then dive into a frying pan? We would still burn.

The sole idea of having a separate state for the Hills of Darjeeling and Kalimpong is based on the fact that the population, culture, history, traditions, language and almost everything else is different from the rest of West Bengal. Our problems are different, our economy is different, our needs are different, our solutions are different, our mind-sets are different, our ways of life are different. We have always believed that we in the Hills are different to the rest of West Bengal in every possible way and hence we want to have the right to determine our own fate and future by having a separate state. Now these stupid suggestions of the Hills be clubbed with other districts to form a separate state or UT, is not just outright absurd but frankly even giving it a though is a disrespect to the hundreds of martyrs that the statehood agitations have created. What happens to the 117 year long demand of ours? Do those who are supporting this downright disgusting idea realize that none of our martyrs sacrificed their life for a settlement as idiotic as this?

Do the propagators of this bizarre idea realize that the population of Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts would still remain a small minority if clubbed together with six other districts of North Bengal where the population is distinctly different than ours? North Bengal has eight districts- Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, Dakhin Dinajpur, Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Alipurduars out of which we are dominant only in two.

Let me place some figures which will illustrate why I feel the idea of a separate state of North Bengal which includes Darjeeling and Kalimpong, is illogical.

*The total population of the eight districts is 1,72,11,010 as per the 2011 census out of which the population of Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts (including Siliguri and Terai regions) is just 18,46,823. It means if a state of North Bengal is created and we are included in it, we will be just 10.73% of the population of this new state.

*The Total area of the eight districts is 26,282 sq km out of which the Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts occupy just 4193 sq km. This will be just 15.93% of the proposed new state.

*The total number of Assembly constituencies in the eight districts is currently 55 (Malda 12, Uttar Dinajpur 9, dakhin Dinajpur 6, Darjeeling 6, Kalimpong 1, Jalpaiguri 8, Cooch Behar 8 & Alipurduar 5). Darjeeling and Kalimpong Hills have just 3 (Darjeeling, Kurseong & Kalimpong). This means we will have just 5.45% of the Assembly constituencies in the proposed new state.

*The total number of Parliamentary constituencies in the eight districts is 9 out of which we have about ½ a seat. This translates to 5.55% of the Parliamentary constituencies in North Bengal.

Do you still feel the idea of a North Bengal state including Darjeeling and Kalimpong is a good one? Any guesses who will dominate all political spaces if a north Bengal state is created?

Well my job is to research and place the facts before my readers- the rest is up to you.

I just hope just stupid ideas do not waylay our future.

Let’s hope these small brained people do not open another pandora box

The post Pandora’s Box appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Plastic bags epitomise the use and throw culture that we have embraced, one that focuses on individual existence superseding our communal well-being. Among a long list of single-use plastic products that pile up in landfills and pollute our soil and water; plastic bags may be the most visible and vilified. It must have seen the most number of campaigns launched against it, a poster child of environmental movements, and yet it refuses to go away. The fallout of the rampant use of plastics is highly evident in our mountains, with choked drains and waterways leading to innumerable life-taking landslides, agricultural fields getting clogged and wildlife getting seriously impacted. Plastic litter is also widespread in the mountains and is impossible to retrieve.  

Many state governments and local authorities have notified complete bans on plastic carry bags but almost all have failed in implementation. What does this inability to stop plastic bag use then say about the mountain states’ will and ability to tackle the plastic crisis?

On Plastic Bag Free Day, 3 July, we reflect on mountain states’ actions in responding to the plastic crisis. How effective have plastic bag bans been, what does it mean for the vision of single-use plastic eradication in the country, and the possible pathways to progress towards single-use plastic-free Himalaya?

An online survey on plastic bag bans and their effectiveness across the Indian Himalaya Region was undertaken by the Zero Waste Himalaya and Integrated Mountain Initiative with 315 responses representing Tripura, Nagaland, Mizoram, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Assam, Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and UTs of Ladakh and J&K. 

The findings reveal that a very high 82% of respondents were aware of a plastic bag ban in their region with awareness higher in Himachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura, and Mizoram. Yet, the responses highlighting the short-lived or partial effectiveness of the ban across all regions are not encouraging. Only 19% mentioned the high effectiveness of bans, 35% felt bans were not effective at all while 31% mentioned they were effective only for some time. Plastic bags are still in use in all types of markets, from grocery stores to local vegetable markets, to larger supermarket stores as enumerated by the responses.

Source * – Notification for banning, manufacture, use, sale, import, and handling of single-use products. (Parliamentary Response from MoEFCC – 12/2/21). Does not represent data from the district or local bodies
 ** Study on status of plastic bag bans, 2021

The Plastic Waste Management Rules 2016 has prescribed a minimum thickness for plastic bags with only 50 microns bags or more being allowed (now proposed to be increased to 120 microns). But the survey has revealed that thin plastic bags of less than 50 microns are still pervasive with 52% of respondents indicating this.

Increased use of non-woven polypropylene (PP) bags, the new avatar of plastic bags which looks like cloth were also reported in the survey. Sikkim and Tripura had a higher number indicating the use of the PP bags. Sikkim’s plastic bag ban is perhaps the oldest, coming into effect way back in 1998 with strict enforcement for some years. The ban came about in response to choked drains that resulted in landslides and deaths. However, the use of polypropylene bags flooding the market in recent years has made the ban ineffective, and the Sikkim Government is considering the inclusion of the non-woven pp bag under the plastic bag ban. 

The black garbage bag has seen rapid escalation and indiscriminate use mainly among hotels and restaurants. The opaque nature of these bags is a deterrent to segregation of waste and biodegradables have poor chances of decomposing.

A new line of bags labeled as biodegradable, compostable, oxo-biodegradable, etc. is the latest addition to the plastic bag alternatives. The use of these types of plastic bags was represented in Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Tripura, and J & K responses. Promoted as the ‘greener’ alternative, they are at times more problematic as some of these are just plastic with additives that accelerate the disintegration into microplastics. Compostable claims made are also false, as our landfills where these bags invariably end up, do not provide adequate conditions to biodegrade. CPCB’s stamp of authority on some of these bags is not helping the cause and there is a serious need to relook at such approvals.

Charging for plastic bags is shown to be a good deterrent and even though the rules are explicit on charge for use, 45% of respondents mentioned there were no charges.

Beyond bags and bans: The big picture

Bans on plastic bags have been ineffective in the Indian Himalayan Region and the survey reiterates that they are still rampantly used. A Toxics Link report of 2014 has stated that ‘Ban’ is just one part of the larger solution and in isolation is not as effective as it was thought to be.” Most bans have been promulgated without long-term vision and people’s participation, clarity in implementation procedures, and institutional capacities to vigorously and continuously monitor the ban.

The measure of the success of the ban lies in its execution and citizens need to hold their governments accountable. Institutions have to diligently work towards the implementation of the notifications with a long-term vision and action.

Globally, awareness of plastic pollution and specifically single-use plastics have gained great momentum with countries and cities actively working to turn the tide against the use and throw culture. The debate is no longer only around plastic bags, but much expanded, one that encompasses all single-use plastics and questions single-use.

Half of the plastic ever manufactured has been produced in the past 15 years and over 50% of plastic produced today goes into making single-use plastic (What a Waste 2018). The fossil fuel industry still plans to increase its plastic production by 40% over the next decade. Finite resources being designed into products that are used briefly and trashed instantaneously is simply not sustainable, least of all for a product that pollutes throughout its life cycle.

While the visible and immediate impacts of plastic pollution have become everyday conversations, a deeper crisis of microplastics formed by the breakdown of plastics is also unfolding. Found in the rain, water, soil, salt, and human placenta, micro-plastic is all-pervasive and a serious threat to human and planetary wellbeing.

A Reuse Revolution in the mountains

On August 15, 2019, Prime Minister Modi declared that India would be free from single-use plastics by 2022. This vision can be made possible only by bringing in a reuse revolution to replace all single-use plastics and open up avenues for local groups to engage through green skills and services.

There is a powerful message conveyed through the simple act of carrying your own reusable bag. It is a message that rejects the use and throws mindset while embracing a sustainable lifestyle choice of reuse. Plastic bag-free day is an opportune moment to talk about reuse and reflect on our lifestyles to take steps towards a plastic pollution-free planet. It is an action that changes the narrative in redress of the waste crisis by not producing waste in the first place.

But for change to happen, we need to do much much more. Multitudes of people need to embrace the reuse revolution for our individual actions to add up to a larger whole. People in positions of power and influence must lead by example for others to emulate.

Plastic pollution is a real crisis. This needs to be recognized by the Governments and Local Bodies through policy strengthening and implementation with the strong will, commitment, and urgency that this crisis demands. 

Plastic bag eradication is the stepping stone to single use plastic eradication in the mountains.

Writes: Roshan Rai, Priyadarshinee Shrestha, Rajendra P Gurung. They are core members of the Zero Waste Himalaya platform that works on the issue of waste in the mountains. They are also active members of the Integrated Mountain Initiative.

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Being born in one of the remotest corners of Assama, and having lived as a Darjeelingey since my early childhood, I have numerous tales to compile and put forth. My granny tells me the stories of the time when Gorkhas were fighting for their existence in the Northeast. In those days, the intense anti-foreigner feeling touched the Gorkhas too. Granny has always been my strength, her words encourage me to think good and do good for the community.

One fine day she narrated me a story of the time when buses were the common means of travel between North Bengal, precisely Siliguri, and Assam. Travellers had to change buses at the border to continue their journey further. Nepali folks at Srirampur Gate (Assam side) were often bribed or harassed by the keepers because the language they spoke made them easy prey. What led to an end of this suppression is really surprising but inspiring indeed.

The Darjeelingeys came and brought down the Srirampur Gate after a youth from Darjeeling on his way to Assam was badly beaten up at the border. As soon as it would be reconstructed, Darjeelingeys would come and pull down the gate again. With utmost pride I say, it was razed for thrice until the series of harassment fully stopped. This marked the beginning of Gorkha Renaissance in Assam.

Only last month I got a chance to meet a revered person from Silgadi with whom I sat for a cup of tea. His talks swung between the past and the present, ranged between the days of Jalpaiguri ko Raja who had a Kanchi Lapcheni Rani to the GATA Pact – for which he had eagerly waited to see the revived territory of GTA. He recalled the time of 1969, two years before the unfortunate 71 when a local Gorkha was murdered in Silgadi and entire Darjeeling oor liyera ako (climbed down) to protest against it. “Paila lagthyo hamilai kehi bhayo bhane Darjeeling le bachauncha, aba testo lagdaina”,  uncle was disheartened.

Indeed Darjeeling district is the kipad (key/centre) of Indian Gorkhas. It’s also true that politicians have made our Darjeeling an English walnut. But until and unless we’re in Bengal, the attempts to introduce 3-tier panchayat in Hills should never stop. Let a district function like a district, and a subdivision like a subdivision. Let there be a Singo Darjeeling.

Bharat ko kuna kapcha ma Khoja
Gorkhali ko mutu ma Khoja
Tyaha Singo Darjeeling huncha
Tyaha Gorkhaland huncha

Dear Hill leaders, please remember down in the plains, beyond Sukna, no one’ll identify you by your party’s name, we have only one affiliation and that is with Gorkha. The bigger Gorkha family is looking at us with hope, Darjeeling should remain firm and united like it used to be years ago. The alliance and brotherhood must continue till the day we achieve full separation from Bengal.

Writes: Giri Babu

The post Singo Darjeeling, A Quest or a Quandary? appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

I do not write this article with pride. In fact, it is shameful that despite having been born and brought up as a Manipuri Gorkha, today I am having to publish an appeal to clarify that I too belong to Manipur. From time immemorial, it is always the majority who create history. We have never read or heard about the story of the minority. Today, I will narrate the story of the minority, the voiceless and the helpless.

Recently, there was a video circulating on social media it showed a lady who was being delivered a mob justice. She was being slapped, hit by a shaft, and ever had her hair chopped in public. Whatever be the reason, that was not the right way to vent dissatisfaction in the wake of such a political crisis. Tomorrow, some other crowd might just want to do the same thing on another individual. Who is going to take the blame then? As a civilized society with such a rich history and culture, a more matured approach would have given dignity to the agitation.

We are accused of encroaching the land. We are accused of being a threat to the social fabric of the state. We are asked to pack up and leave the state. How is it even possible? We are not here staying in a rented house that we pack our belongings and move to another house. My family has not grabbed any land or encroached upon anyone else’s territory. We have papers for our land as per the law of the land. We also grew up listening to our grandmother narrating us stories of the Japanese drones flying above the roof. We have heard stories of our grandfathers fighting to protect the land alongside the British and the maharaja’s army. Are our stories any different from the stories of a Meitei, Naga, or a Kuki kid?

They say that our contribution to the land is zero. Turn any pages of the history of this land and you will find a Gorkha, Major Subedar Niranjan Singh Chhetry amongst the earliest martyrs of the land. He was hanged to death alongside Bir Tikendrajit and General Gambhir Singh by the British on 13th of August 1847.

They must have also conveniently forgotten that we are the most peaceful community in the state. We live happily with all other communities, be it the Meiteis, Nagas or the Kukis. I have studied Meiteilon throughout my childhood, I can speak a bit of Kuki, and I have lived with a Naga friend for about 7 years of my life.

Like you all, we have recited Ougri Sheirent, listened to Khamba-thoibi with awe, enjoyed the colours of Yaoshang, celebrated Lai Haraiba with equal enthusiasm, and cannot live without Ironba, Nga-Thongba and Ooti as our daily staple. What makes me less Manipuri than anybody else from my state? Perhaps we are the only community in Manipur which never had any law and order problem with the state. We don’t have any armed struggle or resistance to any government policies. We have been one of the most hospitable communities both to the armed forces and the rebels. Yes, in the interiors we have stories of people who wake up in the middle of the night to cook and feed rebels who are passing by the village. The same villagers also prepare team when government forces pass by.

Despite all this, we are time and again asked to cite the history of our existence in the state. Below are some historical records of the settlement of Gorkhas in Manipur to put across the point that we are not just land grabbers and that we have taken equal part in the nation-building process in Manipur:

1. On recorded history, the first batch of Gorkhas came to Manipur during the time of Raja Gambhir Singh. In 1824, the Gorkhas of the 16th Sylhet Local Battalion, later to become the 8th Gorkha Rifles, were included in the Police Levy of Gambhir Singh. During the first quarter of the 19th Century, Manipur was much troubled by Burmese intruders and troops. To secure Manipur, Gambhir Singh raised an army in 1825 and recruited Gorkhas from Sylhet for it. The militia was named the ‘Victoria Paltan’. (Source: The Role of Gorkhas in Making of Modern India)
2. Before the beginning of the 20th century, the Gorkha/Nepali Gwalla (cowherd community) was confined in the Manipur valley. And since the Meitei community were not a great consumer of milk and ghee and land was becoming scarce in the valley, the Govt of Manipur decided to shift the Gorkhali/Nepali Gwalla to the northern part of the Manipur Valley creating a Gorkha/Nepali reserve (18 miles long) in between Sekmai and Kangpokpi in 1915 and later on partially extended up to Maram, Siddim Pukhri and lrang Part-I & II (Source: Manipur State Administrative Report 1915-16 Chapter – V, No. 2 Para V. Durbar Resolution 1 dated 17th February 1915).
3. That, the creation of the Sekmai Kangpokpi Gorkha Grazing Reserve the Nepali graziers began to settle within the reserve areas of Kurapokpi, Sapermeina, Shriwani, Keithelmanbi, Paspati, Kalapahar, Santolabari, Chandraman, Kangpokpi, Irang, Maram Siddim Pukhri. In 1918, a survey of the Gorkha/Nepali Reserve area was done wef. 19th June 1918 to 7th January 1920 and Patta was issued for the Gorkha/Nepali graziers who applied for agricultural land.
4. The 1st Assam Rifles was raised in Manipur in 1915 and had over 80% Gorkha personnel.
5. First Manipur Rifles, raised in 1946 also inducted a huge number of Gorkhas. Still today, the family quarters of the battalion has several Gorkha families living there.
6. Even eminent scholars like MK Binodini, the royal family of Manipur confirms that the Gorkhalis have long been a part of Manipur’s cultural milieu. She says “…in fact I do not know at what time so-called Nepali community came to Manipur. Since my childhood beginning from Mantripukhri to Kangpokpi, I have seen their settlement to be in existence long before many years. At the time of my father Maharaja Churachand, when he was in drive on the Dimapur road, I still remember the joyous welcome and applause accorded by the Nepalese children nearby the road and I saw many Nepali personnel in the post of high rank and files of the Manipur State Police” (Source: ‘A Yaipha Paojel’ in a journal called ‘Netee’; published by Manipur Nepali Sahitya Parishad in 2006)
7. When World War II reached till Kanglatongbi-Kangpokpi, the Gorkha community was evicted by the Govt. Many of them left their land temporarily and got back when the war was over. However, the government had by then ceased the Nepali grazing reserve (26th August 1946), giving effect from 1st December 1946. Many who failed to comply with the government order or returned late to their land lost their land and had to seek shelter with their neighbouring tribal brothers for their livelihood.

The Gorkha community is settled for nearly 2 centuries and have lived in an area of 140 sq. miles till 1915. Besides the army settlers, we could rear more than 10,000 cattle and buffaloes. An entire stretch of road named in Jiribam was named as Man Bahadur Limbu’s Road. Today, after almost 2 centuries, our population is not even 1 lakh. How could we possibly disturb the social fabric of the Manipuri society or even snatch away opportunities from the locals?

Today, we are as much a victim of historical circumstances, miscalculation and manipulation as all of you. We too would want to be part of the decision-making process which will segregate the outsiders from the insiders. Sadly, despite being a part of the greater Manipuri society for nearly 200 years, we have been pre-levelled as “outsiders”. Look into your hearts and think for once, how would you react, if you and your community were labelled as such?

Most of the Gorkha youths from Manipur today are working in the defence or the metro cities. This also brings in revenue to the state. How can we possibly exploiting the wealth of Manipur? I would love to know if you have seen anything unjust being committed by any Gorkha in Manipur.

Today, we live outside the state in metro cities. Ask one of your own ‘inside Manipuris’ about how does it feel to be humiliated. If you have no idea of how humiliated your brothers and sisters feel when faced with racism outside the home state, maybe you should go and speak to them. While we outrage over “racism “against our Manipuri people in Delhi and other cities, we have turned a blind eye and deaf ear to numerous instances of racism here in Manipur itself, isn’t that hypocritical?

In this city, we only have people; there is no Meitei, Naga, Kuki, Gorkha, Bengali, Bihari or Marwari. If someone asks me, I proudly call myself Manipuri Gorkha. Here no one accuses anyone of stealing opportunities or ancestral land. No Bihari cries of innocent people being killed, no Meitei accuses a Bihari of depleting his economy. We share rooms to save money, lend and borrow money when we are broke, we share pizzas and drinks together, we contribute for the electricity bills, we wait for each other to walk back home after office, We cook together, we laugh at each other’s jokes, we fall in love, we get married. We live happily here, but we never talk of our problems back home. Why?? Because it divides us.

We are happy out here, but why this indifference back in our own homeland?? I leave this for you to ponder upon.

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A report by EastMojo quotes LH Shanliana, IGP (Intelligence, Law & Order), that the Nepali girls rescued in Mizoram are believed to be heading to Southeast Asian countries via Mizoram for forced prostitution. They were rescued from Aizawl and Champhai near Myanmar border last week. A man named Lal Bahadur, who is now in police custody, is suspected to be involved in trafficking the women.

In another incident, a group of eight Rohingya women were arrested near the Assam border while en route to Aizawl. The women revealed that they were abducted by human traffickers from a refugee camp in Bangladesh and were being sent to Malaysia.

While the rescue is a huge relief for the security forces and the administration, the increasing trend of human trafficking from the remote Northeast states is worrisome. The Northeast region, until now had not featured in the trafficking route. There could have been trafficking even in the past, but the volume and number of cases coming to the ground recently are alarming.

Human trafficking, as is known in the Northeast, involves the disappearance of young people from the region, especially women. Hundreds of young people are taken to bigger Indian cities and other foreign countries where they are exploited sexually and even forced into prostitution. Every year, many trafficked young girls from the region are rescued from other places and brought back home. However, these new reports of human trafficking right at home is a cause of worry for the government and the security forces as well.

In most cases, the trafficking victims are smuggled into India through the porous India-Nepal borders in Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. Previously, the traffickers would directly take the victims to cities like Delhi, Mumbai and other Indian cities before flying them out of the country. However, as the security in the airports has become tighter, the traffickers are now opting for land routes, which means taking the victims all the way to states like Manipur and Mizoram from where it becomes easier to cross into Myanmar.

The security along these bordering states has been more concerned about drugs, arms, and illegally smuggled goods from Myanmar into India. It is only recently that cases of human trafficking are being highlighted from these border posts.

Mizoram, sandwiched between Bangladesh and Myanmar, shares more than 700-km long international boundaries and is highly vulnerable to human trafficking and is increasingly being used as safe passage by human traffickers. Moreh town in Manipur is notorious for illegal trades and smuggling, from cheap Chinese products to precious stones, contraband drugs, teak, gold, and arms.

The Manipur Alliance for Child Rights (MACR), an organisation involved in the rescue in Manipur, revealed that more than 300 Nepalese women have crossed into Myanmar from Moreh in recent months. The central committee of the Young Mizo Association (CYMA) reports that as many as 208 girls have been trafficked into Southeast Asian countries via Mizoram in recent years.

With the promise of India’s Act East Policy, the trade and mobility between India and Southeast Asia are bound to increase in the coming years. While the benefits of the economic development clearly outweigh the setbacks caused by such illegal trades, it is important that communities are sensitised about such issues surfacing in the region.

The authorities at the Integrated Checkpost (ICP) must be aware and remain vigilant of any such suspicious movements in the borders. There has to be a system for proper verification of IDs and travel document before people can pass, even for a short leisurely trip. While economic progress is welcome, there has to be a system in place to ensure that the progress does not come at the cost of humanity.

In the Northeast region, with 99% of its boundary being the international border, the problems and peculiarities are even more accentuated. The region is already fighting illegal infiltration which adds pressure on its economic and environmental resources. Moreover, the porous borders enable easy cross border passage for criminals, human traffickers, and smugglers. The region is economically weaker compared to other parts of the country.

Adding to the problem are ethnic violence, armed conflicts and political movements for autonomy that intersect and create an environment that is not conducive for steady employment and economic development. Such instabilities create an environment and a situation where the people, especially women and children, become highly vulnerable to human trafficking. Human trafficking is closely tied to poverty and unemployment, especially when coupled with a lack of social awareness.

In September 2018, Meghalaya High Court Chief Justice Mohammad Yaqoob Mir said that India’s Northeast has emerged as the hub of human trafficking in India where unemployment, poverty, migration for jobs are some of the reasons of human trafficking. Voicing concern on the human trafficking, the Chief Justice called for collective responsibility of stakeholders, state legal services authority and police to take care of the rights of the children and save them from being exploited.

At this juncture, it is also important that the Gorkha communities living across the Northeast are involved and made aware of the perils of such activities. Wide public awareness needs to be created to ensure that people do not end up collaborating with such heinous criminals, knowingly or unknowingly. While we must congratulate the police, NGOs, and local authorities involved in such rescue operations, it is high time that the communities also shoulder the responsibility of keeping a check on any such suspicious activities in their neighbourhood.

After the Manipur rescue operation, I had published a report, ‘Human Trafficking at Moreh, Manipur: A concern for Northeast India’, that received wide coverage in the regional media. The new cases have only confirmed my deepest fears and it is high time for both the government and civil societies to step up the fight against the growing menace.

The post Alarming cases of Human Trafficking via NE States is Worrisome appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

“Gorkhey nai ho tah? British army ko bharti hudaina tah Darjeeling ma!” There are so many questions that have started to pop in my mind regarding the statehood and my own identity. Am I a Nepali or an Indian Gorkha, I don’t understand how that has really made a difference in my life.

This is the incident that happened a few years back at Kolkata. Once a year, they have a north-eastern festival where all the north-eastern states meet and compete with each other in sports and other curricular activities. Darjeeling in this festival is aalu (Potato). They fit in wherever they can. I had a junior sister who loved playing Basketball.

The team was full everywhere, she couldn`t fit in. She was sad for she couldn’t play in the tournament. Do you know what she said to me then? – “Da Mamata lai bhanera yo northeast festival bhari chai Gorkhaland mangnu parcha holau. Feri yo sakera toi laija bhannu parcha ni hai da?” Then a friend mine replied, “Dinay bhayo ni, NE is ma ka gapcha hola, Sikkim lai tah brother banayo, hami  lai chai bro-in-law?” We all laughed and spent the rest of the day hanging out, forgetful of cussing our leaders. Those words of her still echo in my head and I wonder when. Before, it was DSA at Calcutta (Darjeeling Students Association). As my elder brother says- “Dasai ma naya luga hos na hos DSA ko freshers ra farewell ma chai hunui parthyo. Imagine the intensity of flirting.

Except for Solti Sikkim, the rest of the part of north-eastern India was hidden to me. I came across many tribes that I had never heard of before. On the contrary, I met many more who thought I was from Nepal. Everywhere else in India, they ask-which state are you from? For me, the question has changed since the very day I was here- “which tribe are you?” And the questions that persist with the uneducated in India is – “You from Nepal? China? What is your religion?” I mean, why would they want to know about my religion? I don`t know, it might be normal to some but I have never experienced anyone from other parts of the country asking me that. It doesn`t matter to me at all. It is like asking which author do you like the most? I don`t like authors, I like some of their works.

After coming here at North East, the most interesting thing that has happened to me is, I came across Nepalese people from Assam. They talked different as if they were from Nepal. They say, they celebrate Bihu and also talk in Hindi with me. “Aafu chai afnu bhasa bolnu na payera frustu vaisakyo, teskii hindi bolcha! Afnoi bhasa bolda ni feri k boldincha boldincha… Amam irri !”.  So what exactly am I? Am I like these Indian Gorkhas who have a different culture, language and need statehood for identity? Or am I the immigrant from Nepal? “Mero bajay chai Madan, boju chai Muna po hola. Testai lagcha bhanayyy chai. Auuu.. Bhaat khayeu?”
I have heard our people from Darjeeling, tagging themselves as “North-Easterners”, I don`t know how. The scenario here is that they don`t know us as “Darjeeling”. The scenario of Nepali speaking community in these states is “Dakhar/Khardai” in Khasi, “Bai” in Mizoram and many. As it is like “Dhoti” in Nepal for all Indians. Nepalese are treated as immigrants here and it is because they are. But why do we Darjeelingey have to be tagged along with them? Aren’t we different than Indian Gorkhas or Nepali now?

If we look at the history, most of the places occupied by Nepalese people around India is by the Indian soldiers from Nepal except some of the areas i.e. Himachal, Lucknow, Bihar and Assam which was captured by Prithvi Narayan Shah. Nepalese are mostly populated in the north-eastern belt of India, Jammu-Arunachal. But we are always from Darjeeling. How come the fight of statehood or birthright of the soil inside India is connected with the people who actually migrated to India? Ringa bell? Are we different enough to not be tagged as Gorkha or Nepali

They try to talk about Gorkhaland issue but they are like rest. There’s no difference. They all say identity. Gorkha and Nepali already have an identity, they are famous worldwide. Everyone knows. So, why identity? What I think is this is more about “Sons of soils” not as Gorkha or Nepali. This is about being Darjeeling! I have already started calling myself Darjeelingey here, no more Gorkha, no more Nepali. It is because I am not too brave nor too dumb to be a Gorkha nor so aalu to be a Nepali. I am wise enough to know it is for the land which is rightfully ours, the very residents of Darjeeling who were here before British. Let Darjeeling be my religion, my tribe, my language, my culture. And not the queen of hills please, there are more beautiful hills than Darjeeling to be honest. Let it be the Land of Thunder, and we the children of mighty Thor. “Loki Kaks jasto chai na hunu bhayena ni mamz, rack huncha!”

f we look at the history, most of the places occupied by Nepalese people around India is by the Indian soldiers from Nepal except some of the areas i.e. Himachal, Lucknow, Bihar and Assam which was captured by Prithvi Narayan Shah. Nepalese are mostly populated in the north-eastern belt of India, Jammu-Arunachal. But we are always from Darjeeling. How come the fight of statehood or birthright of the soil inside India is connected with the people who actually migrated to India? Ringa bell? Are we different enough to not be tagged as Gorkha or Nepali

They try to talk about Gorkhaland issue but they are like rest. There’s no difference. They all say identity. Gorkha and Nepali already have an identity, they are famous worldwide. Everyone knows. So, why identity? What I think is this is more about “Sons of soils” not as Gorkha or Nepali.

This is about being Darjeeling! I have already started calling myself Darjeelingey here, no more Gorkha, no more Nepali. It is because I am not too brave nor too dumb to be a Gorkha nor so aalu to be a Nepali. I am wise enough to know it is for the land which is rightfully ours, the very residents of Darjeeling who were here before British. Let Darjeeling be my religion, my tribe, my language, my culture. And not the queen of hills please, there are more beautiful hills than Darjeeling to be honest. Let it be the Land of Thunder, and we the children of mighty Thor. “Loki Kaks jasto chai na hunu bhayena ni mamz, rack huncha!”

Writes : Aditya Mangar

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2014 was a game-changer for the country’s political landscape in many ways. BJP’s convincing win proved that the country has shed its Congress-centric governance and bureaucratic system. More importantly, it was the rise of Narendra Modi’s development-centric politics that sought to provide an alternative to the change-starved youngest democracy of the world.

The rise of Narendra Modi as the solution for India’s socio-economic problems also changed the political narrative of the NorthEast region, which traditionally shares very little of mainstream India’s political concerns or narrative. Since independence, politics in this region has mostly found itself aligning to the powers in Delhi. Very few had anticipated such an overwhelming response to Modi wave given to his affiliation with BJP. Today, the BJP is in power or coalition with almost every state, except for Mizoram.

However, the shift of power, one must remember, is not an ideological shift but a convenient arrangement for a promising future. And true to the promises of Modi’s development agenda, more people today have access to gas connections, electricity, better roads, than ever before. However, the recent protests against the government on the controversial CAB Bill, NRC issue of Assam, ILPs, and the reaction of the government against political dissent raises several questions as to what is it that the NorthEast wants?

Are the problems of Northeast just limited to economic concerns? Or is there something more than the economic aspect? Protests here, unlike the rest of the country, are very intense and sees wide participation from every section of the society. What is it that Delhi doesn’t understand about Northeast?

The Delhi Dilemma: Trivializing Local Issues over National Interest

Historically, the Northeast had never been emotionally integrated with the larger Indian union, and the region passed onto India’s hand because the British didn’t know anything else to do. By the time, the Japanese fighters crossed into India through the North-east, the region has already established itself as a strategic point for India’s security. It was that hot piece of bread the new Indian Union put in its mouth, but couldn’t chew because of the heat, nor could it spit out.

The new Indian bureaucracy, which simply took over the reins from the British didn’t have much idea about the region or its complex political dynamics. All decisions were made in Delhi and simply executed through the army in the region, most of the time without any understanding of the ground situation. Any political dissent was labelled an act of separatism and the army had a free hand to deal with dissent, both social and political.

The high-handedness of Indian bureaucracy and Delhi’s myopic views about the region pushed the region to a corner from where the only option to fight back was retaliation against India (symbolized by the army). Things have definitely changed over the past few decades, but the bureaucracy is still hung-over Delhi, for whom local concerns do not matter much in the wake of national priorities or interest.

Policy makers, seating in Delhi think that the problems of the North-east is purely economic. They are convinced that with development and economic progress, problems facing the region will simply vanish into thin air. Nothing can be further from the truth that such naivety. For the policymakers seating in Delhi, it is only the beautiful landscape, cultural uniqueness, and the hospitality of the people that stands out. No wonders, tourism is the most heavily promoted industry from the region and all ideas of economic prosperity woven around tourism.

Land and Belongingness: The Crux of the Issue

‘Land Rights’ and ‘Territorial Jurisdiction’ are perhaps the most important keywords that explain the underlying political current of the region. Be it the insurgency problems, ILP issue, CAB, NRC, anti-immigrant, citizenship, and every other US v/s THEM issue is a by-product of the land-rights related issues.

• Manipur: With over 40 different armed groups, the ‘fight for independence from occupation’ or to defend one’s community from external threats is a strongly territorial phenomenon. To this day, the insurgent groups are a huge stakeholder in the social, economic, and politics of everyday life in Manipur. The state holds the record for the longest highway blockade when the Naga and Meitei communities had their disagreements with regards to the territorial jurisdictions of each. The Nagas in Manipur were also engaged in a bloody civil war against the Kuki community during the 1990s because one community alleged the other one of encroaching upon their ancestral land. With three major stakeholders claiming territorial rights over the tiny state, the ‘land’ is an integral part of the ethnic identity and no amount of free gas connections, development projects, and free aids will stand in comparison when it is the question of the land.
• Nagaland: The Naga issue began with the idea that the ‘Naga people’ are different from India and have a unique history and culture. The ongoing Peace Process is part of Nagaland’s everyday socio-political narrative. Beginning with the bloody civil war waged by the NSCN and other Naga armed groups against India in the 1960s, the Naga freedom movement has been the torchbearer of all armed conflict in the region. Most other secessionist movements in the region owe their allegiance – ideologically, logistically, and arms supply. The effect of the movement is directly felt in the Naga-inhabited regions including Assam, Manipur, Arunachal, and even in Myanmar territories. Today there is peace in the Naga areas, only for the hope that the NSCN and Government of India are approaching a peaceful resolution to the long pending issue. Any threat to the peace process threatens to disturb the peace, not just in the Nagaland but across the Northeast region.
• Mizoram: The Mizo National Front in the 1960s, waged one of the bloodiest civil wars against India and seeking its own independence. The Indian Airforce carried out bombing across Mizoram to quell the uprising. While the Mizos dropped came forward for peace and reconciliation after the bombing, it went into a reclusive state trying to cope with the post-traumatic stress. In its isolation, it has emerged as one of the most forward thinking and peaceful state in India. However, the issue of land rights, fear against outsiders, and cultural issues have become ingrained in the psyche of the people. Mizoram is one place that doesn’t shy away from bringing up the secession topic as we recently witnessed in the protest against CAB Bill. Brus and Chakma refugee issues are already a huge political issue here.
• Tripura: Tripura is often cited as an example of what happens when migration is unchecked. The indigenous people, having outnumbered by migrant population, are today seeking greater autonomy and self-rule calling for statehood for the indigenous tribes.
• Arunachal: A border state, Arunachal is heavily militarized and have suffered the wrath of the Chinese during the 1962 invasion. A state with the Inner Line Permit system is implemented since independence, Arunachal has strict rules prohibiting any outsiders from purchasing property, applying for jobs, and getting welfare benefits. The government’s decision to grant permanent residence certificates to a few ethnic communities living there for decades had created social unrest, leaving 3 dead and several injured during violent protests.
• Meghalaya and Sikkim: The most popular states among tourists, Meghalaya and Sikkim strictly implement the 6^th schedule act that prevents any outsider to buy property in the state. While Sikkim has its unique history of accession into Indian Union, Meghalaya as the capital of erstwhile Assam State has seen its fair share of influxes, riots, and ethnic problems in the 1980s.
• Assam: As the ‘big brother’ of Northeastern states, what happens in Assam today follows across the region tomorrow. Be it the ‘Bhumiputra Aandolan’ of the 1980s, ULFA’s ‘freedom struggle’, or the citizenship issue, Assam has been the torch-bearer for the region’s political consciousness. Having suffered the onslaught of unchecked migration right from Sylhet referendum to Bangladesh Liberation War, and until this day, people in Assam are very sensitive towards issues of Land Rights, Citizenships, and external Migrations.

The point here is that the individual concerns of each state in the Northeast are paramount when it comes to local politics. The issue gets even more complex with the huge ethnic diversity within every state, village, and district. Yes, the region is lagging behind the rest of the country in terms of development and industrialization. But, at no point in history has the region voted only for development. This is a major reason why national parties do not flourish much in the region and local/regional parties are integral to any government that is formed. 

It is high time that the central government learn to take off its Delhi lenses and look at the region’s problem in isolation, understand the complexities, and do not trivialize their concerns as merely a development or economic issue.

The post Dear Government, All’s Not Well on the Eastern Horizons appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Speaking to ANI, Sony said: “There are lots of beautiful things about the north-east region. I want to show this to the world. North-east has always been considered by the mainland as wild, savage, underdeveloped, saying words like, ‘they eat dog’. I feel people have a very wrong concept about this region. I want people to explore and be more open-minded and see its beauty. Only when you observe closely will you see the beauty of the wild grasses. Through my painting, I want to show the culture and biodiversity of the region. Everybody is following western culture. But what is really important is your identity.”

Like any other parent, his parents too wanted him to become an engineer or doctor. With a very few recognised personalities in the field of art in Manipur, for him, it was hard to convince his parents. Sony, however, moved to Delhi in 2007 to pursue fine arts. The colourful vibes, vibrant culture, and myriad ethnicity of the metropolitan cities, especially Delhi, fascinated him. Sony’s artistic style done in a contemporary fashion adheres to the traditional.

He started off as a faculty member at Jamia Millia Islamia, and started painting professionally in 2015. Along with his friend Laishram Meena Devi, he recently held an exhibition titled ‘Khongool’ meaning ‘footsteps’ at Gallery ONKAF in New Delhi.

Director of Gallery ONKAF, Sharad Chauhan told ANI: “We are exhibiting two artists from Manipur. This is about the journey from Manipur to Delhi, called Khongool. Both the painters depict the culture, festive moods, and the jewelry from their state. So, they show both the Delhi and Manipur culture.”

One of his paintings, framed ‘Black Tea’ tells the story of two women having a tea break wearing the traditional ‘phenek’ or ‘mekhela’ paired with North-Indian accessories. The painting portrays two girls, one with rigid curls, and the other with a straight traditional Manipuri haircut in seemingly complicated attire. One can also see the richness of green colour, wildflowers, and cultural ethnicity.

In his paintings, one can also see the wild grass, ginger lilies, dragonflies, golden tortoise beetles, among others. He also uses geometrical designs and tattoos as he believes that everything in nature is calculated. In Sony’s ‘Little Indian Ballerinas’, three little girls dance across the canvas in tutus with traditional Manipuri pattern. And in ‘Shoot Love, Not Bullets’, a woman totes a gun that isn’t shooting bullets but a shower of wildflowers.

“Sony has given a lot of preference to colourful fabrics and textiles which is very peculiar in the north-east. His works are a very good personification of the wilderness of the hills, jungles, and nature of the Northeast,” said Satya, an art director from Darjeeling, a visitor at the gallery ONKAF.

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Michael Morgan, a former professor at the University of Massachusetts, says “[w]hen you don’t see people like yourself, the message is: You’re invisible. The message is: You don’t count. And the message is: ‘There’s something wrong with me…Over and over and over, week after week, month after month, year after year, it sends a very clear message, not only to members of those groups, but to members of other groups, as well.” Non-representation provokes segregation, social ignorance and prejudice that give rise to hate crimes targeting minorities. The murder of Ramchanphy Hongray in 2009, the mysterious death of Loitham Richard in Bangalore in 2012, the death of Nido Taniam and Shaloni in 2014, the barring of Manipuri students from the Taj Mahal because they did not look like Indians as well as the vicious assault on Higio Gungtey in 2017, combined with the general stereotyping of northeast Indians as cannibals, dog-eaters and loose women, demonstrate the prevailing prejudices. The victims consequently develop social paranoia that manifests itself as shame. This “shame” is not related to guilt. Rather, it involves emotions triggered by the perception of being a misfit. This kind of “minority shame” leads to personal devaluation and depression as well as the internalizing of misconceptions.

It was this element of minority shame that steered the collective catharsis after Prashant Tamang was selected as Indian Idol in 2007. Tamang’s triumph was seen as the much-awaited national endorsement of the people of the Northeast. Starved of recognition, silenced and marginalized in the mainstream media, Indian Idol 2007 was a watershed moment that heralded a change by enabling them to draw security from inclusion. Since then, it has become customary to have at least one participant from the Northeast in reality TV shows in India.

It was delightful to learn that Sanjay Leela Bansali was producing a biopic on Mary Kom, India’s sole medal winner in boxing in the 2012 Olympics. There was hope of a paradigm shift in Bollywood and that Bansali would introduce an actor from the Northeast for the film. Priyanka Chopra was, however, chosen instead. This was another opportunity missed to depict India’s true diversity in a Hindi film.

Kapoor says that he has played the roles of a Punjabi, a Kashmiri and a native of Uttarkhand without facing any criticism. That is because each of these regional identities is essentially representative of a majority derived from shared racial features. One can also observe the same mindset at work in Miss India contests where winners with “Indian” looks are invariably chosen to represent the country on a global platform. It is hardly surprising then that the Miss India crown is yet to be won by someone from the Northeast. Such racial preferences limit “Indianness” within a narrow ambit.

Stories featuring protagonists from the Northeast rarely make it to Bollywood. Thus, Mary Kom, a once-in-a-blue-moon break, called for not only artistic and professional commitment but also political sensitivity. Participation from the region in this cinematic project could have removed somewhat the feelings of rejection.

Bollywood is the leading producer of Hindi films in India. The industry must begin to acknowledge its responsibility of ensuring representation for all. Taking a cue from Hollywood’s willingness to incorporate minority identities, the Hindi film industry could challenge hackneyed depictions of a homogeneous India by accommodating actors from all regions to represent India’s true diversity. By tapping into stories from the northeast – Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura – along with tales from other parts of India, Bollywood could lead the way to knit a holistic tapestry. The media and actors can play a paramount role in educating the majority population about minorities and in initiating conversations on ways to foster equality and justice for the citizens of this nation-state.

Writes: Angsumala Tamang

The article was originally published in Telegraph.

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The six militant trying to extort from the locals in Silchar have been encountered by the Brave Public and they managed to handover two militants to the army. 

The militant were carrying a large number of arms and ammunition.

While the locals captured two, four militants are on the run, and a search operation has commenced to trace them 

Assam Terrorists Captured by Locals

Arms from Assam Terrorists Captured by Locals

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