One of the reputed local Nepali daily newspapers of the hills highlighted gross mismanagement of the teachers’ appointment at the St. Philomena’s Girls High School one of the reputed schools in the Kalimpong district. According to the paper, one person claimed that the interview was conducted covertly by the institution. He accused the school authority that, the school management grossly failed to publish the teachers’ recruitment advertisement in the daily journal so that most of the educated people of the district remained unaware regarding the interview.

The Rector of St. Philomena, tartly replied, accusations to the school authority are not true and she said such a blind accusation to the school authority would only damage the school’s reputation. The rector of the school claimed that the school authority had published a related recruiting advertisement in the Echo of India, and one Nepali daily Hamro Prajashakti, both the papers are not very popular among the hill people. The rector replied that the advertisement was done on the 7th of May of this year, and the recruitment of the ten candidates was done according to the standard norms without any contravention of the government rules.

Likewise, the same paper on its editorial part, point out the mismanagement of the teachers’ recruitment in another Kalimpong school, the S.U.M.I. It mentioned that the reputed institution too was accused by the locals and party leaders of recruiting teachers in contravention of the NCTC rules and regulations. But such accusations to the school management committee and misusing the seat of power by them, are nothing new in the hills.

Spotlighting such unfair practices in teachers’ recruitment does not seem to create much outrage among the hill public these days, as the whole education system in the hills is widely politicised by the politicians and their party workers. So, the practice of nepotism and favouritism is very overt in the hill education system, and it has become a culture of sorts and is perhaps appreciated and expected by the educated hill mass.

The ever increasing unemployment crisis for the educated youths in the hills has forced them to kneel in front of the ruling party leaders, carrying their party flag, while the leaders canvass for the polls. Of course, it must hurt their sense of pride, to be educated and qualified, and yet forced to bend in front of uneducated politicians. But what can be done, they have no choice. Sometimes their condition would compel them to seek favours from the party leaders and later do their bidding.

The quality of education in the hills was far superior in the past. Government schools had achieved a good name in the academic quality but in recent years, an ever-increasing interference from the political class in the hill academic institutions has severely damaged the schools, as well as their reputation. The open practice of nepotism and petty politics in the government schools has exceptionally downgraded some of the school’s good names. If the influence of the political culture continues to dominate the school system, then it will severely decline the quality of education in the hills.

Another looming threat to the quality of the hill education is the recruiting of voluntary teachers. It poses a grave danger to the entire education system in the hills. The random appointing of the voluntary teachers by the school authority without verifying their educational background and their teaching competence has been very unfair to the students. If the students of the secondary sections are taught by the less competent teachers and inexperienced volunteer teachers, then we can only guess, what would be the quality of the education obtained by the students.

But we have become shocking numb to such practices and this ‘volunteer teacher‘ concept is acceptable to the hill public, for we don’t see anyone protesting against such practices on a wider scale. The appointment of the voluntary teachers too is done according to the party allegiance, then practising of actual merit and the candidate’s proficiency in the teaching field.

This is not a welcome sign in the hill education system. But the party in power look after their party interest than the quality of education.

This is, however, helpful to the West Bengal government, their financial burden will be decreased in the hill government schools, as most of the teachers’ shortage will be adjusted with the volunteer teachers, and they won’t have to pay full salary to underqualified or unqualified teachers.

The quality of education in some of the government schools has been deteriorating, rather than improving in the hills, and the general cause of it is the interference of the political parties and uneducated politicians. The political influence has already entered in the teachers’ recruiting process in both the Kalimpong and Darjeeling districts, and if the hill public and the parents do not ponder over it on time, then the future human resources of the hill can turn out to be bleak and it very harmful for the regional development, as well as our community.

The final question that needs answering is do our politicians have really any concern for the future of the hills? I don’t think so, and why would they do so? after all their own children go to the best academic institutions and study in far off places. So why do they bother for the common people future?

[Writes: Kiran Pradhan]

The post Politicising Education in the Hills – Generations Ruined appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

Sadly with modernization, plastic crèches/cots have replaced the simple organic Kokroo and with it so has the practice of placing the two deadly weapons forgotten.

In the Hindu-Buddhist, shamanistic ritual system, roughly consisting of Jhakri, Dhamis, “Mata Utreko” and many others, Sishnu was the ultimate weapon to defeat the evil spirit.

Both the possessed and the Shaman would chant and shake vigorously, on the rhythmic beats of the dhyangro (drum) and bells, while the room filled with the unbreathable smoke coming out of the burning juniper. Achheta (rice grains)would be blessed by the shaman and thrown at the possessed.

“Apuuii”!! still the evil spirit didn’t leave the innocent, “tesko bajey ko ta” “lu khaa” out came the ultimate weapon: “Sishnu-Pani ko chutai”. With the treatment of the Nettle-Water combo, the evil spirit would take the route of “taap-singh”(run away) and never bother the innocent natives.

Sishnu was the Brahmos Missile, and more powerful than the Iron Dome of Israel that could combat and control spirits, ghosts, and witches.

I don’t mean to keep up the superstitious customs, nor am I demeaning the shamanistic cultures (anthropological) but just want the readers to travel back in time when life was more simpler and pure like the Kokroo and hill folks merrier!

Ahh! Let’s change the topic, it’s getting too complicated, let’s walk down memory lane now. Going to swim in the khola (rivulet) would be the best pastime during our childhood and plucking ripe oranges, guavas, aruchas or any seasonal fruit from the orchards of others would be the accompanying ritual. Now doing this meant trouble as sooner or later one would definitely encounter a brush with the sishnu and screams of pain “aatha polyoo” would be heard loud and clear. The only thing that would undermine/heal the pain and the “damra” of the sishnu “poling” would be the ultimate winter medicine: Signan(snot)flowing naturally due to the sting. If the one who got stung, didn’t have the required dose of the Signan there would be a perennial Signaney friend in the group whose waterfall never stopped cascading from his red nostrils, his medication would come in handy for everyone. Such were the times folks!

Old-timers would say the flower of the Sishnu “sishno Ko daal” was very helpful in controlling high BP and studies on the common Himalayan nettle prove them to be true, also, from a nutritional standpoint that Sishnu has more calcium than a glass of milk, they say!

Sishnu and the culture of our hills and its people are so much intertwined, we too are similar to the Sishnu as a community, sturdy and brave protecting our country from invading enemies we sting when it’s needed. We people of the hills are too emotional and the modern-day countless jhusuley’s attack us every season, eating our leaves, yet we as a community are sturdy as the nettle, remain here.

By the way, if the politicians are fooling us now and again show them the part from this article where the evil spirit runs away at the sight of the sishnu-pani Ko chutai! Especially those who might fool us again in the name of Tripartite Talks!! Hopefully, they won’t hai!!

Happy Dasain Folks!!

Writes: Diwas Chettri

The post Memories, Sishnu Culture, and Politics of the Hills appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

‘आज केही त हुनेवाला छ।’ रोङ्गोबाट मनोज बोगटीले बिहानै फेसबुकमा स्टाटस लेखे।

स्वाभाव अनुसार हुटहुटी शुरू भइहाल्यो। दस बजेदेखि उता हुटहुटी रोकेर राख्न नसकेपछि उनलाई फोन लगाएँ अनि सोधेँ, ‘आज के हुनेवाला छ?’

जवाबमा उनले जे भने त्यसले मलाई खास अचम्ममा पारेन।

बोगटीले भने अनुसार बेलुकीपख सल्टलेक कलकत्ताको गोर्खा भवनको गेटमा मिडिया अगाडि देखा परे बिमल गुरूङ। गाडीको पछाडि सिटमा एकजना मालाधारी बाबासँग बसेका बिमललाई पत्रकारहरूले मास्क खोल्न अनुरोध गरे। एक दशकदेखि विमल गुरुङको दम्भ हेरेर हुर्किएको मलाई मास्क खोल्दा कुनै चिडियाखानाको निरीह प्राणी हेरिरहेछु जस्तो लाग्यो। उनको अनुहारको जलप यसरी गायब थियो, मानौं उनले अगाडिबाटै हार स्वीकार गरिसकेका छन्।

गोर्खा भवन खोल्ने अनुमति नपाएपछि त्यहाँबाट फर्किएका बिमलले एक घण्टा नबित्दै कलकत्ता कै एक पाँच तारे होटलको सभागृहमा पत्रकारहरू अगाडि जे भने त्यो उनको लागि बिल्कुल साधारण कुरा थियो। किनकि त्यो कुरा त उनले बारम्बार गर्दै आइरहेको राजनैतिक स्टन्टको एउटा अहम हिस्सा हो। मलाई यस कारण बोगटीले बिहानै भनेको कुरामा अचम्म लागेन।

हाम्रो सामाजिक मनोविज्ञान यस्तो छ कि हामी सामुहिक नेतृत्वमा भन्दा धेर कुनै मसिहाको आडमा बाँच्छौं। मसिहा हामीले देख्ने सपनाको अहम हिस्सा हो। सन् २००७ मा एक तथाकथित मसिहा सुवास घिसिङको एक्काइस वर्षे शासनको अन्त्य गर्दै गोर्खाल्याण्डको नारासँग बिमल गुरूङको नाममा दार्जिलिङमा अर्को मसिहाको उदय भएको थियो। त्यस्तो कुन गोर्खा होला जसको ढुकढुकीमा गोर्खाल्याण्ड हुँदैन? त्यसैले एक्काइस वर्षदेखि मृत्युशैयामा बसेको गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दासँग अगाडि आएका विमललाई आफ्नो राजनैतिक धरातल मजबुत गर्न धेरै समय लागेन। मुद्दालाई साथ दिन उनको लागि व्यापक जनसमर्थन जुट्यो।

यति व्यापक जनसमर्थन आफूतिर हुँदाहुँदै आखिर त्यस्तो के वाध्यता थियो जसले बिमललाई राज्य अनि केन्द्रसामु आन्दोलन सम्झौता गर्न वाध्य गरायो? स्पष्ट छ, एक इमान्दार छवि लिएर राजनीतिमा आएका उनी यतिबेलासम्म सत्ता अनि पैसाको भोको भइसकेका थिए। चार सालसम्म चलेको आन्दोलन अन्तमा जिटिएको सम्झौतामा आएर टुङ्गियो।

पूर्ण इमान्दारितासँग आन्दोलनमा खट्ने कित्ताको विमलमाथिको आश त्यतिबेलै टुटिसकेको थियो। तर आन्दोलनको सम्झौताले विमलको धरातल कमजोर गरेन। यसका केही ठोस कारणहरू छन्। विना कुनै सुझबुझ आँखा चिम्म गरेर नेताका पछाडि कुद्ने निमुखा जनता अगाडि ‘जिटिए गोर्खाल्याण्डसम्म पुग्ने सिँढी हो’ भन्ने विमलको झाँसाले गतिलै काम गऱ्यो। फेरि, जनताको लागि जिटिए भनेको अपूर्व सम्भावनाहरूको एउटा पुलिन्दा थियो। घिसिङको दागोपापले ठीकसँग सम्बोधन गर्न नसकेको रोजगार, बाटोघाटो, स्वास्थ्यजस्ता आम समस्याहरूको निदान जिटिए हो भन्ने भ्रममा जनता व्यापक रूपमा बहकिए।

यदि ठोस केही गरेको भए जनतालाई एउटा सन्तुष्टि मिल्ने थियो। तर जिटिएले ठीकसँग केही गर्न सकेन। उल्टै जिटिएको मोटो रकम आम समस्याहरूबाट जनताको ध्यान हटाउनमा प्रयोग हुन थाल्यो। प्यारासिटामोलको ट्याबलेट बोकेर कुनै स्वास्थकर्मी नपुगेको ठाउँ छोटा रङ्गीतको बगरमा बलिहुडको हस्ती सोनु निगमलाई ल्याउने काम गरियो।

सत्ताको मातमा लट्ठिएका बिमल त्यतिबेला हठात बिउँझिए जतिबेला जिटिएकै द्वारबाट छिरेको राज्यको तृणमुल काङ्ग्रेस पहाडमा आफ्नो साङ्गठानिक धरातल निर्माण गर्नतिर लाग्यो। यसको लागि उनीहरूले कुनै कसर बाँकी राखेनन्। बिमलले जिटिएमा आएको रकम जनताको लागि ठीकसँग प्रयोग गरेनन् भन्ने उनीहरूको आरोप जायज थियो। फेरि, राज्यबाट जनताको लागि आएको सहुलियत सिधै राज्यको हातबाट नलिएर किन भाया जिटिएबाट लिने? भन्ने उनीहरूको प्रश्नले मान्छे विस्तारै कन्भिन्स हुन थालिसकेका थिए।

विमलले त्यतिबेला महसुस गरे कि उनको धरातल अब खस्किन शुरू भइसकेको छ अनि कुनै पनि बेला यसले विराट पहिरोको रूप लिन सक्छ। अब ठीकसँग सत्तामाथि पकड बनाइराख्न उनले आफ्नै पूरानो मुद्दा गोर्खाल्याण्ड झल्झली सम्झिन थाले। तर राज्यसँग तालमेल हुँदाहुँदै गोर्खाल्याण्डको आवाज उठाउन उचित थिएन। राज्यले जिटिएको लागि तोकिएको रकम आवण्टन नभएको अनि विभागहरूको हस्तान्तरण नगरेको आरोपमा नियोजित तरिकाले उनले राज्यसँगको दुश्मनी शुरू गरे।

नभन्दै २०१४ को आम चुनावलाई ध्यानमा राखेर दिनोदिन खस्किरहेको केन्द्रको काङ्ग्रेस सरकारले तेलङ्गनालाई अलग राज्यको दर्जा दिने एक चुडान्त निर्णय लियो। बिमलले बुझे, आफ्नो पकडबाट बिस्तारै फुत्किरहेको जनताको विस्वास फेरि आफूतिर गर्ने यो भन्दा सही समय कहिले होला? यदि तेलेङ्गना हुन्छ भने किन हुँदैन गोर्खाल्याण्ड? पहाडमा व्यापक जनगुनासो देखियो। यहीँ जनगुनासोलाई क्यापिटलाइज गरेर विमलले फेरि एकचोटि गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनको बिगुल फुके।

आफ्नो हातबाट फुत्किएको जनता मात्र होइन, जिटिएको सम्झौतापछि विमलमाथिको आश टुटाएर बसेका बौद्धिक कित्ता अनि पहाडका कतिपय राजनैतिक दल पनि आन्दोलनमा सहभागी बन्न एउटै मञ्चमा देखा परे। एनोसदास प्रधानलाई अध्यक्ष मानेर आफ्नो रणनीति तयार गरिरहेको साझा मञ्च तर धेरै लामो टिक्न सकेन। अनि टिक्न नसक्नुको मुख्य कारण बने बिमल।

किनकि हिरोगिरी विमलको पहिलेदेखिकै एउटा नशा थियो। सामुहिक आन्दोलन गर्दा आन्दोलनको श्रेय उनीतिर नगएर अरूतिर जान्छ कि भन्ने भयले विमललाई सताउन थाल्यो। आफूलाई आन्दोलनको मुख्य हकदार दावी गरेर विमलको स्वयंले आन्दोलनको कमान सम्हाल्ने निर्णयपछि आन्दोलनमा सहभागी अन्य राजनैतिक दलहरूसँग फुट शुरू भयो अनि उनीहरू एकाएक पन्सिन थाले।

बङ्गालबाट छुटेर एक अलग राज्य निर्माण गर्ने मागको साथ आन्दोलन गरिसकेपछि राज्य सरकारबाट दमन हुन एक स्वाभाविक कुरा हो। आन्दोलन दबाउन राज्यले यसचोटि पनि कुनै कसर बाँकी राखेन। मोर्चाका तमाम नेता त्यस बखत पक्रा परे अनि जनताले पुलिसको ज्यादती भोग्नपऱ्यो। साझा मञ्चको कमान आफैले सम्हाल्ने बिमलको एकल फैसलाको कारण रूष्ट बनेका अन्य राजनैतिक दलहरू एकाएक आन्दोलनबाट आफ्नो हात सफा गरिसकेपछि एकलो मोर्चासँग राज्यको दमनबाट निप्टन कुनै ठोस रणनीति थिएन।

दुर्भाग्यवश सैंतालिस दिनको हडतालपछि यसचोटि पनि आन्दोलन तुहियो। यहाँ मज्जाको कुरा के छ भने, आन्दोलनकालमा साझा मञ्चको दबावमा जिटिए प्रमुखको अहोदाबाट राजिनामा दिन वाध्य बनेका विमल फेरि एकचोटि कलकत्ता गए अनि आफूसँग जिटिएको चौकी लिएर आए।

सन् २०१४ को आम चुनावमा देशभरि मोदी लहर व्यापक रूपमा फैलिएर गयो। आफ्नो शासनकालमा अनेक भ्रष्टाचारहरूसँग लिप्त काङ्ग्रेस सरकारसँग रूष्ट बनेका जनता यसचोटि परिवर्तन चहान्थे। काङ्ग्रेस सरकारको कमजोरी अनि आफ्नो कोर आइडियोलोजी हिन्दुत्वलाई नारा बनाएर चुनावी मैदानमा उत्रिएको भारतीय जनता पार्टी यसचोटि सत्तामा आउने पक्का थियो।

मौजूदा राजनैतिक स्थितिलाई विमलले आफ्नो मुद्दा केन्द्रसम्म पुऱ्याउने एउटा अवसरको रूपमा हेरे अनि आफूलाई भारतीय जनता पार्टीको घटक दलको रूपमा स्थापित गर्ने तत्काल फैसला लिए। विमलको यस फैसलामा जनता एकाएक उत्साहित देखिए। आफू सत्तामा हुँदा तीनवटा नयाँ राज्य गठन गरेर देखाउने भाजपाको ट्राक रेकर्डले यसलाई आफूहरू अलग राज्य गठनको मामिलामा संवेदनशील रहेको छवि पेश गरिसकेको थियो।

आम चुनावमा दार्जिलिङ लोकसभा सिटबाट स्वतन्त्र उम्मेद्वारको रूपमा अगाडि आएका डा. महेन्द्र पी. लामालाई मात दिएर भाजपा उम्मेद्वार एस. एस. अहलुवालिया व्यापक भोटको साथ विजयी भएर दिल्ली प्रस्थान गरे।

विमलको राजनैतिक अवसानको तार यहीँ आम चुनावसँग जोडिएको छ। कारण, २०१४ को आम चुनावको नतिजाले भाजपालाई पहिलोचोटि बङ्गालमा आफ्नो हक जमाउने लालच पैदा गरिदियो। भाजपालाई थाहा थियो, गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दालाई सदनमा उठाउनु बङ्गालको सत्ता हासिल गर्ने रणनीतिको नजरले एक गलत कदम थियो। कारण बङ्गाली समुदायमा ‘एन्टी-गोर्खाल्याण्ड सेन्टिमेन्ट’ हावी छ अनि कुनै पनि सर्तमा उनीहरू बङ्गालको विभाजन चहाँदैनन्।

बङ्गालको सत्तामा आफूलाई स्थापना गर्न ममता सरकारको कमजोरीहरूलाई निशाना बनाएर भाजपाले त्यतिबेलैदेखि आफ्नो रणनीति स्पष्ट गर्नथाल्यो। यहाँसम्म कि गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन ममता सरकारले गोर्खाको ठीकसँग विकास गर्न नसेको एउटा नतिजा हो भन्दै गोर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दालाई पनि उनीहरूले रणनीति अनुसार प्रयोग गरे। गोर्खाल्याण्डलाई एक विशेष समुदायको पहिचानसँग नजोडेर यसरी विकाससँग जोडेर अहलुवालियाले सदनमा उठाउँदा यहाँका जनता फेसबुकमा भिडियो सेयर गरिरहेका थिए। मुद्दालाई ठीकसँग सदनमा पेश गर्नको लागि भाजपाले कहिल्यै आफ्नो घटक दल मोर्चाबाट चाप महसूस गरेन।

बङ्गालको सत्तामा हक दावी गर्ने खेलमा ममता सरकार अनि भाजपाको दुश्मनीले गति समात्न थालेपछि भाजपाको एक घटक दल हुनुको नाताले मोर्चामाथि राज्यले दमन गर्नु जायज कुरा थियो। राज्य सरकारले जे गर्नुथियो सो गऱ्यो। मोर्चाले खप्नुपरिरहेको यस विकट परिस्थितिको पहल गर्न भाजपाले तर कुनै कदम लिन ठीक सम्झेन।

यसबीच जमिनमा आफ्नो पार्टीको साङ्गठानिक धरातल मजबुत गर्दै राज्य सरकार विमललाई च्यूत गर्ने अनेक तरिका अप्नाइरहेको थियो। विमलसँगै पहाडबाट भाजपाको पनि पत्ता साफ भएर जाने कुरामा राज्य पक्का थियो। पाँच सालको अवधिसम्म चलेको जिटिएमा भइरहेको धाँधलीतिर यसबीच राज्य सरकारको नजर पऱ्यो। सन् २०१७ को मई महिनातिर राज्यले जिटिएको अडिट गर्ने निर्णय लियो।

राज्य सरकारको यस कुटनीतिको फन्दामा परिसकेका विमलको लागि बाँच्ने कुनै उपाय थिएन। अचानक, बङ्गालको हरेक क्षेत्रमा बङ्गला भाषाको अनिवार्य रूपले पठनपाठन हुनुपर्छ भन्ने राज्य सरकारको एक गलत निर्णय विमलको लागि उम्किने एउटा बाटो साबित भइदियो।

कुनै पनि भाषामाथि यसप्रकारको अतिक्रमण हुँदा त्यसको जोडदार विरोध हुनु स्वाभाविक हो। दार्जिलिङमा पनि सामाजिक, राजनैतिक, शैक्षिक तप्काबाट यसको विरोध भयो। यस विरोधको दबावमा मिरिकको भ्रमणमा आएकी राज्यको मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीले सरकारले यस निर्णयलाई फिर्ता लिइसकेको आधिकारिक घोषणा समेत गर्न वाध्य बनिन्।

सरकारले आफ्नो निर्णय फिर्ता लिइसकेपछि विरोध गरिरहनुको के कुनै औचित्य हुन्छ? तपाईहरू सोंच्नुहोस्। तर त्यतिबेला ठीक यस्तै भयो।

विमललाई कुनै पनि हालतमा राज्यको जिटिए अडिट गर्ने फैसलामा रोक लगाउनु थियो। फलस्वरूप भाषामाथि अतिक्रमण गरेको भन्दै, मिरिकपछि भोलिपल्ट दार्जिलिङ आएर क्याबिनेटसँग बैठक गरिरहेकी ममता ब्यानर्जीविरूद्ध मोर्चाले भानु भवनअगाडि व्यापक जनसमुह भेला गऱ्यो। नाराबाजीले उग्र रूप लिँदै गएपछि प्रदर्शनकारीहरूमाथि पुलिसले अश्रुग्यास वर्षायो। प्रदर्शनकारीहरूले पुलिसमाथि पत्थरबाजी गरे। दार्जीलिङको केही ठाउँमा राज्य सरकारको सम्पत्ति नष्ट गरियो।

अगाडिबाटै भाषा अतिक्रमणको कारण राज्य विरूद्ध जङ्गिएको दार्जिलिङको हरेक तप्काको मान्छेको लागि यति हुन काफी थियो। भाषा अतिक्रमण विरूद्ध शुरू भएको त्यस आन्दोलनले गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनको रूप लिन धेर बेर लागेन। विमलको कुटनीतिले गज्जबको काम गऱ्यो।

आफ्नो नीजि स्वार्थको लागि विमलले शुरू गरेको भएपनि धेरै हदसम्म गोर्खाहरूको लागि त्यो आन्दोलन ऐतिहासिक रूप लियो। १७ जून २०१७मा पुलिसद्वारा तीन आन्दोलनकारीहरूको हत्यापछि आन्दोलनले गति समात्न थाल्यो। पुलिस दमनबाट विक्षुब्ध मान्छे ज्यानको बाजी राखेर सडकमा आए। देशभित्रको मात्र होइन तर विश्वको हरेक ठाउँका गोर्खाहरूले आन्दोलनलाई नैतिक समर्थन दिइरहेका थिए। सामाजिक, राजनैतिक, साहित्यिक, बौद्धिक, हरेक वृत्तका मान्छे राज्यको यस दमनकारी नीति विरूद्ध आ-आफ्नो तरिकाले खडा भइरहेका थिए।

यसचोटि पनि आफ्नो नीजि राजनैतिक स्वार्थ भुलेर पहाडका अन्य राजनैतिक दल अगाडि आए अनि आपसी सहमतिमा एक साझा मञ्च बनाइयो। रणनीति सहित मञ्चले काम गर्न थालेपछि यसचोटि पनि मोर्चाले आफ्नो अस्तित्वको खतरा महसूस गर्नथाल्यो। अन्त्यमा विमलको पुरानो डाइलग आन्दोलनको सामुहिक नेतृत्वमाथि भारी भइदियो, ‘अल पार्टी च्याप्टर क्लोज।’

आन्दोलन चलिरहँदा पनि यता बिमलले भने आफ्नो गर्नु पर्ने विशेष काम भुलेका थिएनन्। नियोजित तरिकाले राज्यका हरेक दफ्तरहरूमाथि हमला गर्न लगाइयो। हमला गर्ने गुण्डाहरूको मुख्य निशाना ती दस्तावेज थिए जसको कारण आउने दिनहरूमा यदि जिटिए अडिट भइहाले आफूहरू उदाङ्गो हुन नपरोस्।

यस्तै हमला अनि व्यापक तोडफोडकै कारण मोर्चा नेतृत्वमाथि नयाँ नयाँ मुद्दा थोप्न पुलिसलाई सजिलो भयो। आन्दोलनलाई अगाडिबाट लिड गर्ने नेतृत्व अब पुलिसबाट बँच्न भूमिगत हुन वाध्य भए। दुलोभित्र पसेका ती आन्दोलनकारीहरूको घरमा पुलिसले व्यापक तोडफोड गऱ्यो। कतिको घरमा आगो झोसियो। परिवारपक्षले अनेक प्रताढना सहनपऱ्यो।

यतिबेला हरेक मान्छेको नजर केन्द्रतिर थियो। तर एक सय पाँच दिनसम्म लगातार चलेको आन्दोलनमाथि केन्द्रले कुनै हस्तक्षेप गरेन। गोर्खाल्याण्डको नाममा भोट जितेर जाने सांसद अहलुवालिया आन्दोलनमा मरेका आन्दोलनकारीहरूको परिवारलाई सहानुभुति दिन समेत पहाड चढेनन्। निखोज रहेको भन्दै रूष्ट जनताले उनीविरूद्ध दार्जिलिङको सदर थानामा प्राथमिकी धरी दर्ता गरे। तर गोर्खाल्याण्डको नाममा चुँ सम्म बोलेन केन्द्र।

भाजपा आफ्नो अडानमा स्पष्ट थियो। उनीहरूले यसचोटि पनि आफ्नो राजनैतिक रोटी सेक्ने मनसायले आन्दोलनलाई ममता सरकारको विफल्ता देखाउनमा प्रयोग गरे। भाजपाको लागि एउटा थोक भइदियो आन्दोलन।

युएपिएको सङ्गीन मुद्दा लागेपछि विमल पनि आफूलाई बँचाउन आन्दोलनलाई लथालिङ्ग छोडिराखेर भूमिगत भए। ‘अल पार्टी च्याप्टर क्लोज’ भनिसकेपछि साइड लागेका अन्य राजनैतिक दल आन्दोलनको बिँडो थाम्न फेरि अगाडि आउने आँट देखाउन सकेनन्। उल्टा शान्ती स्थापनाको लागि राज्यलाई चिट्ठी लेख्नतिर लागे।

तेह्रजनाको पुलिसद्वारा बर्बर हत्या अनि करिब पाँच हजार आन्दोलनकारीहरूको विस्थापनपछि यसरी फेरि तुहिनबाट बाँच्न सकेन आन्दोलन।

केन्द्रले हस्तक्षेप नगरेकै कारण आन्दोलन तुहिएपछि विस्तापित जीवन बिताइरहेका विमल गुरूङसँग सन् २०१९को आम चुनावको लागि वास्तवमा ठोस कुनै मुद्दा थिएन। उनलाई यतिन्जेल थाहा भइसकेको थियो, केन्द्रको लागि गोर्खाल्याण्ड भनेको फगत भोट बटुल्ने एउटा थोक हो। बङ्गालको सत्ता ताकिरहेको भाजपा गोर्खाल्याण्डको लागि कहिल्यै सिरियस हुन सक्दैन भन्ने कुरा यतिबेलासम्म उनले बुझिसकेका थिए।

यतिबेला पहाडमा आफ्नो अस्तित्व बनाइराख्न उनको लागि एक्का साबित भइदिए बिनय तामाङ अनि अनित थापा। आफ्नो नीजि राजनैतिक स्वार्थ भएपनि आन्दोलन लथालिङ्ग बनेपछि अन्य कुनै विकल्प नहुँदा पहाडमा शान्ति बहाली गर्न राज्य सरकारसँग सम्झौता गर्ने यी दुइ नेताहरूमाथि नियोजित तरिकाले ‘गद्दार’ को छवि निर्माण गरियो। आन्दोलन यी दुइकै कारण शिथिल बनेको हो भन्ने व्यापक भ्रम जनतामा फैलाउने काम भयो जबकि केन्द्रले हस्तक्षेप नगरेको कारण आन्दोलन तुहिनु एउटा कटुसत्य थियो।

आफ्नो राजनैतिक जमिनको लागि सङ्घर्ष गरिरहेका पहाडका कतिपय दलको आडमा विमलले भाजपालाई फेरि एकचोटि जिताएर पठाएपछि उनको एकमात्र आश केन्द्रतिर थियो। तर आफ्नो कार्यकालको दुइ साल बित्न लाग्दा पनि ‘गोर्खाल्याण्ड लिएरै आउँछु’ भनेर महाकाल बाबाको कसम खाएर जाने सांसद राजु विष्टले संसदको जिरो आवरमा मन्द आवाजमा कनीकुथी एकदुइ कुरा राख्न बाहेक केही गर्न सकेनन्। न नै विमल लगायत विस्तापित जीवन बिताइरहेका आन्दोलनकारीहरूको घर वापसी गर्न उनको सरकारले केही ठोस कदम चाल्यो।

यसबीच विमल-मोर्चा अनि पहाडका अन्य घटक दलहरूले पनि केन्द्रलाई मुद्दातिर इमान्दार हुन कुनै चाप सृजना गर्न सकेनन्। कुनै चाप सृजना नभई केन्द्रले केही गर्छ भन्ने सोंच बनाइराख्नु एक बाहियात कुरा हो।

पछिल्लो समय विमल गुरूङ बिना सर्त राज्य सरकारसँग मिलेर पहाड फर्कने कुरामाथि बातचित भइरहेको कुरा उत्तर-बङ्गालका कतिपय पत्रिकाले खुलासा गरेर छाप्यो। त्यसपछि ‘गोर्खाल्याण्ड सम्बन्धी मुद्दामाथि’ वैठक गर्ने भनेर गृहमन्त्रालयले यस महिनाको शुरूवातमा पठाएको पत्रमा विमलको झिनो आश अडेको थियो। तर दुइ दिनपछि सभाको विषय परिवर्तन भएर ‘गोर्खाल्याण्ड क्षेत्रिय प्रशासनमाथि’ भइदिएपछि विमलको केन्द्रमाथिको त्यो झिनो आश पनि एकाएक मरिगयो।

राज्य सरकार अगाडि लम्पसार बन्न तीन सालपछि हिज अचानक कलकत्ताको सल्ट लेकमा देखा परेका विमलको लागि केही प्रश्न छन् जसको उत्तर स्वयं उनको लागि चुनौति साबित हुनसक्छ।

आफ्नो जातिको स्वाभिमानको लागि कहिल्यै बङ्गालको अगाडि घुँडा टेक्दिन भन्ने विमलले अब के भनेर जनतालाई सफाया दिन्छन्?

विस्तापित जीवन बिताइरहेका आन्दोलनकारीलाई घर फर्काउनको लागि राज्य सरकारसँग सम्झौता गर्न वाध्य भएको भनेर एक्सक्यूज लिइरहेका विमलका कट्टर समर्थकहरूले बुझ्नुपर्ने कुरा, किन यति धेरै समय बितिसक्दा विमललाई यो कुरा सुझ्यो? सम्झौता गर्नु नैं थियो भने यति ढिलाई किन?

केन्द्र सरकारमाथिको सम्पूर्ण आश टुटेपछि विमलको लागि अब राजनीति गर्नको लागि अब के बाँकी रह्यो?

किनकि बङ्गाल सरकारसँग मिलेपछि उनले अलापिरहने गोर्खाल्याण्डको धुन अब जनतालाई मोहित गरिराख्न नाकाम साबित हुनेछन्।

पहाडमा राज्य सरकारसँग मिलेर काम गर्ने स्पेस उनीसँग छैन। कारण अनित अनि विनयले सो काम अगाडिबाट गरिरहेका छन् अनि जनतालाई विस्वासमा लिएर आफ्नो धरातल मजबुत गरिरहेका छन्। जुन विकट परिस्थितिमा विनय अनि अनित राज्य सरकारसँग सम्झौता गर्न आए त्यसलाई मध्यनजर गरेर के ममता ब्यानर्जीले अघिल्लो चोटिजस्तो पहाडको कमान विमललाई सुम्पिन्छिन्?

कुल मिलाएर हेर्नु हो भने, पहाडमा राजनीति गर्न विमलले आफ्नो लागि कुनै ठाउँ बाँकी राखेका छैनन्। थौरै जनसमर्थन बाँकी रहे पनि उनी अब अर्का सुवास घिसिङ अथवा अर्का छत्रे सुब्बा भइसकेका छन्। अर्थात उनको राजनैतिक अवसान भइसकेको छ।

Writes: Lekhnath Chettri

The post बिमल गुरूङको राजनैतिक अवसान appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

It was in 1986 when Subash Ghising started the 28 months long violent agitation for a separate state of Gorkhaland after raging war against one of the then strongest Chief Minister of India, Shri Jyoti Basu, and it was there in the minds of many people including the so called intellectuals of the hills, that “the dream of having the separate state of Gorkhland is a distant one and never to be fulfilled.”

Dreams unfulfilled

The people, including Subash Ghising, were not sure at that point of time that the Gorkha agitation in Darjeeling Hills would gain such impetus in mainstream Indian politics and that they would be called for dialogue in New Delhi.

It was on 5th April 1986 that Subash Ghisingh declared a series of agitation for the separate state of Gorkhaland at Gitangay Dara of Chowk Bazar where “Do or die” for Gorkhaland was one of the final agenda of the agitation.

The 72 hours long strike was called in May 1986 followed by the burning of article (7) of Indo Nepal Treaty on 27th July 1986. However, the police atrocities and random police firing on the unarmed agitators who came out to burn the article (7) of Indo Nepal Treaty claimed many lives in Kalimpong and curfew was imposed in Darjeeling Hills.

The agitated group was quick to call for an 108 hours strike in Darjeeling against the killing of innocent people. Soon after this, Subash Ghising and his associates went underground and the agitation continued with burning of houses in remote tea gardens and villages of Darjeeling between pro and anti Gokhaland supporters. The ruling CPIM party cadres, who were referred as “MAAKPA,” opposed Subash Ghisingh’s idea of having separate state of Gorkhaland and this lead to the loss of many lives in Darjeeling hills including the burning of old heritage monuments, buildings, offices of State and Central Governments.

Realising the rampant killing of innocent people and destruction of Government properties and the economy was deeply affected by the agitation. The Government at the Centre led by the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi intervened and convinced the State Government led by Shri Jyoti Basu for a tripartite talk in New Delhi and Subash Ghisingh was called for the dialogue in New Delhi.

With several rounds and series of tripartite talks involving State Government, Central Government and GNLF party led by Subash Ghisingh, and also bilateral talks between State Government and Subash Ghisingh led GNLF party , the idea of formation of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was conceived and if one were to believe the narratives of Subash Ghising, the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had requested him and his leadership to accept it as an interim arrangement in lieu for a separate state of Gorkhaland.

Many, including Late Nar Bahadur Bhandari, then Chief Minister of Sikkim who played pivotal role in bringing both Central Government and agitated group of Darjeeling Hills for dialogue, believe that the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was in favour of granting UT status to Darjeeling Hills.

Isolated Gorkhas

The Gorkhas settled in Darjeeling Hills have always felt isolated and alienated from the mainstream of West Bengal polity because of it’s geographic location, linguistic and cultural behavior and it’s historical facts as it was never part of Bengal till before independence. The demand for formation of a separate administrative set up for Darjeeling was raised as early as in the year 1907 and it came into light from time to time till Independence of India and post independence witnessed many agitations including the one of 1986.

The state of West Bengal tried to woo the Gorkhas by declaring Nepali as the second official language of West Bengal in 1961 after they unsuccessfully declared Bangla as only the official state language and protests outraged in the Hills of Darjeeling against the State Government’s unilateral decision.

The formation of Hill Affairs Secretariat in 1978 under Chief Minister’s dispensation directly with one MoS sitting in Darjeeling during the rule of the Left Front Government, as soon after they came to power in 1977, was another step to ploy the Gorkhas, but nothing could bear the fruits to fulfill the aspiration of Gorkhas even after the formation of proclaimed self ruled and autonomous Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council to Gorkhaland Territorial Administration.

Paradigm Shift

But after the formation of DGHC with the intervention of then Prime Minister Shri Rajiv Gandhi there is a complete paradigm shift. The people of Darjeeling Hills trust New Delhi to fulfill their aspirations rather than trusting and believing Writers Building or Nabanna in Kolkata.

Whether it is the announcement of Nepali as the Second language in 1961 in the State of West Bengal by Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, then Chief Minister of West Bengal, or the formation of Hill Affairs Secretariat or the autonomous Development Council such as DGHC and GTA, it was Bengal Government’s appeasement towards agitating Gorkhas who were demanding the self-rule in the Hills of Darjeeling.

Bengal knows very well that one day Darjeeling will be separated from West Bengal, late Madan Tamang used to roar from Gitangay Dara of Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling. It is 100% true that is why Darjeeling is neglected, Darjeeling is devastated, Darjeeling is ignored by ruling Government of West Bengal. The rich forests of Darjeeling were ruined by West Bengal Forest Development Corporations in since early 80s, unplanned high rise buildings were in rise, Darjeeling already was converted into concrete jungle.

The election process of MLA from three hill sub divisions of Darjeeling in West Bengal Assembly election is only construed as people’s compulsion with no other choice post formation of DGHC. The elected councilors of DGHC during Subash Ghising’s regime were more powerful than the MLA elected to the Bengal Assembly elections.

Out of 294 West Bengal Assembly seats, three MLAs from Darjeeling hills can hardly make any difference nor their voice would be heard and since majority of elected representatives are from one particular community as well as of the same ethnicity, the person either speaking in Nepali/ Hindi/English can hardly make any impact.

“We are treated differently”, quoted Tamang Dawa Lama, the Junior Minister served under Jyoti Basu Government and later Rajya Sabha MP who quit CPIM protesting majority members of ruling party Minister and leaders treatment towards Hill people. These were the reasons for the split in ruling CPIM party in Darjeeling in 1996 to form CPRM under ex Lok Sabha and then sitting Rajya Sabha MP Shri RB Rai.

Bengal and the unfulfilled Gorkha aspirations

When the current Chief Minister of West Bengal came to power after dethroning 34 years of Left Front rule in Bengal and tried appeasing Gorkhas by signing GTA Accord immediately after coming to power with lot of assurances including converting Darjeeling into Switzerland with her popular slogan “Pahaad haaschey”. She also knew that the formation of GTA was only stop gap arrangement for Gorkhaland agitation that resurfaced in 2007 under the leadership of Bimal Gurung after revolting against his mentor Subash Ghisingh who had accorded the signature for implementation of Sixth schedule in Darjeeling Hills scrapping the DGHC Act in 2005.

She knew very well that when the people of Darjeeling Hills were not happy with the constitutionally guaranteed to be implemented Sixth schedule in Darjeeling Hills, as their prime objective was the separate state of Gorkhaland, and such set up in past proved to be futile exercises. She wanted to showcase that she was successful in sorting out the long pending issues of Gorkhas by settling them in GTA.

Soon after two years of signing GTA Act and GTA coming into existence, the Gorkhaland agitation resurfaced in 2013 in Darjeeling Hills where one agitator Mangal Singh Rajput self immolated for the cause of Gorkhaland.

   Knowing that Gorkhaland is a very sentimental issue and it cannot be robbed off from the minds of Gorkhas and to divert their focus from main Gorkhaland issue, she started disintegration of Gorkhas by luring them and forming Boards of different castes and communities of Gorkhas and paying hefty amount as grant for the formation of such Boards. This did not go well with the ruling parties of GTA and the conflict of interest started. The Mamata Banerjee Government was not in mood to accept the demand of Gorkhaland and wanted to fight it with tool and nail reminding every time “बंग भंग होबेना” !

The 2017 Municipality Election and forming of Trinamool Congress Board in Mirik after ousting the local outfit who ruled single handedly all Darjeeling Hills including the Panchayats and Municipalities in Hills almost for four decades fuelled the energy to Mamata Banerjee and she became over ambitious started eyeing for TMC party’s expansion in Darjeeling Hills by dethroning pro-Gorkhaland parties from Darjeeling.

History repeats itself

The Mamata Banerjee Government repeated the history of 1961 by imposing Bengali as compulsory language in all Schools and Colleges including the Hills. This has caused a huge resentment among the politically fragile and volatile Darjeeling Hills.

To rub salt into the wound, the Bengal cabinet meeting was convened in Darjeeling Hills in the first week of June 2017 and from here the agony began. The Hills were in 104 days indefinite strike. 12 youths laid their lives during police firing. The State Government was not at all keen to sit for the dialogue with agitated political leaders rather wanted to diffuse the situation by empowering Police.

Again this did not go well and more rifts were created between the ruling Government and the public of Darjeeling Hills.

Each and every step of Bengal Government in the pretext of diffusing Darjeeling situation turned to be jeopardized.

The handing over of the GTA by appointing the board of administrators and taking over the development works in Darjeeling Hills to woo the people was also another futile exercise.

The public of Darjeeling Hills have given a befitting reply to the Bengal Government during the recently concluded Parliamentary election by giving a historic mandate to BJP candidate supported by GJMM, GNLF and other regional parties and NGOs. In short, more the State Government involved in hatred politics, more the number of vote shares are increasing into opposition camp, thus leading them into thumping victory.

The people of Darjeeling Hills are too not keen in development work, which the party comes forward with development as their agenda, nor do they want any agency that undertakes the development projects of Darjeeling Hills. There were hardly any takers for the diktats (farmaan) issued by different representatives of development boards working on behest of ruling Governments to vote in favor of the ruling parties of West Bengal.

Permanent political solution

The people of Darjeeling Hills want permanent political solution of Darjeeling Hills it could be either Union Territory or the separate state of Gorkhaland.

Knowing all these, the people of Darjeeling have their only hope on Narendra Modi led BJP Government at the Centre which has absolute majority to take any decision in the interest of it’s people who voted them to power. The BJP having their MPs both in Darjeeling District and Dooars (Alipurduar) cannot undermine the aspirations of the Gorkhas settling in Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars this time.

Paradigm Shift – once again

Having hope on the Central Government instead of State Government and the people inclining more towards New Delhi than Kolkata is the paradigm shift. What the MLA of Darjeeling speak in Bengal Assembly is irrelevant to us and people do not find any interest in it, rather than the MP raising Darjeeling issue in Indian Parliament.

The creation of separate state of Gorkhaland, establishment of AIIMS in Darjeeling Hills, Central University in Hills, Granting of Tribal status to 11 left out Gorkhas, inclusion of Darjeeling Hills into North East Council, upgrade of Bagdogra Airport into International Airport, connecting of prestigious Darjeeling mail and other broad gauge train with World Heritage Darjeeling Himalayan Railway upto Sukna or nearby new Railway Station, declaring Darjeeling as Smart city and it’s development and planning, building/setting up of satellite Township to de-congest Darjeeling town, inviting investors and creating employment opportunities to the youths thus stopping large no of exodus of youths in search of employments are in the hands of Central Government and comes under the prerogative of the local MP.

Excepting few situations, Darjeeling always witnessed opposite trend as far election of MP is concerned.

Darjeeling hardly elected it’s M.P. which was voted to power at the Center but post 2014 elections, it is always in it’s favour, but unfortunately nothing was done by the sitting MP of Darjeeling who eventually became a Minister in Modi cabinet.

This time with Raju Bista, a Gorkha and Nepali speaking MP who is often termed as the Blue eyed boy of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah winning with the highest margin of votes from West Bengal, the people of Darjeeling has high expectations from him.

Self-reliance

However, there is a popular Nepali saying “एउटा हुटिट्याउँले स्वर्ग थाम्दैन” and leaving all responsibilities to him and depending only upon one person does not fulfill nor suffice our purposes.

We all know that BJP’s organizational strength in Darjeeling District is not so strong and onus lies on important allies of BJP including GJMM, GNLF, CPRM and other affiliates, NGOs, Samajas, Sanstha, our think tank and intellectual bodies to mount pressure to the Central Government by constantly visiting them, reminding them BJP party’s manifesto and follow up with different Ministries and Departments at the Centre.

The MP would be serving as facilitator for us but there should be regular follow ups.

If we do not follow up from our end depending only on our MP, the time flies like anything and by the time we realize, it would be too late. We need to learn the lesson from our past experiences as to how the then Tribal Welfare Minister of previous Government gave us the sweet assurances till last hour but nothing moved in right direction and we must blame ourselves for our ineptness.

We also suggest other opposition parties of Hills to raise the issues unitedly instead of involving into mudslinging.

The issues raised by Smt. Shanta Chetri in Rajya Sabha for granting of Tribal status to 11 left out communities of Gorkhas and the shifting of GRD and GRO from Darjeeling to else where is welcoming one and it definitely infuses energy to other colleagues of her who are representing in Lok Sabha.

With all focus shifting to Delhi for the fulfillment of our long standing demands, it is important we work together to strengthen the hands of our elected MP as for us now – “ दिल्ली दूर नहीं है” !

[Author: Koshraj Gurung]

The post Paradigm Shift appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

The recent statement by SS Ahluwalia, the incumbent MP from Darjeeling and his ‘born in Nepal’ jibe against his political opponent is only a reflection of his mindset towards the community. The senior BJP leader’s statement also goes on to show how serious the BJP is regarding the Gorkhaland issue and their outlook towards the Gorkha community. As always, anyone can throw the ‘Born in Nepal’ jibe to the Gorkhas for any disagreement, be it political or even otherwise.

All so much just for electing senior, experienced, and eminent leader to represent Darjeeling in the Parliament and push forward the Gorkhaland cause. His experience was supposed to help us present the Gorkhaland crisis in a better manner, not to turn back on the same people and community that has elected him. 

Time and again, our fellow citizens, right from the  street vendor to Union Ministers has thrown the ‘Nepali’  jibe to Gorkhas to suit their agenda. S.S. Ahluwalia who claimed himself to be  a ‘Punjabi Gorkha’ speaks the same language despite having been elected by the Gorkhas to the Parliament.  It’s understood when the people in other states apart from Bengal question us “Where are you from , Nepal?” as they do not know about Indian Gorkhas history, Geography, and Culture and mix up our cultural resemblance with Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim. 

Having lost the trust of the people of Darjeeling, the next possible move for BJP in the hills would be to get Bimal Gurung arrested to please Mamata Banerjee and play the Gorkhaland card against us during the next West Bengal assembly elections. In the past, Ahluwalia has made statement that he is in touch with Bimal Gurung and will ensure his safety. One can only wondering why Bimal Gurung, who is supported by Ministers and such tall leaders is still unable to find his way back home, despite the court passing orders against arresting him. 

The political opportunism is clear and evident with all that has happened after the 2017 agitation. The MP did not even visit Darjeeling once during the 104 days shutdown, not even when 13 people were killed by the state forces. Neither did SS Ahluwalia delivered on any of the development promises he made – Central University, Union Territory, Tea Garden wages, Sainik school, and even talks about a separate ministry for Tea. All we heard were some rumours here and there through media, but nothing happened on the ground. 

I do not support Binay Tamang nor other who are talking on the agenda of “Son of Soil” , but only sharing my personal views on BJP’s stand on Gorkhaland and Darjeeling, which I don’t think is any different from that if and about CPI(M), TMC, or any other big political party.

People from Darjeeling hill must understand that the Parliament is the only way to take forward our Gorkhaland cause. We don’t need big leaders, but sincere ones who will actually work for the development of the Hills and it’s people. 

BEWARE OF OPPORTUNISTS Gorkhey Manus!!!

Writes: Deek Sharma Shiwakoti

The post The Changing Waves of Politics in Darjeeling appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

2014 was a game-changer for the country’s political landscape in many ways. BJP’s convincing win proved that the country has shed its Congress-centric governance and bureaucratic system. More importantly, it was the rise of Narendra Modi’s development-centric politics that sought to provide an alternative to the change-starved youngest democracy of the world.

The rise of Narendra Modi as the solution for India’s socio-economic problems also changed the political narrative of the NorthEast region, which traditionally shares very little of mainstream India’s political concerns or narrative. Since independence, politics in this region has mostly found itself aligning to the powers in Delhi. Very few had anticipated such an overwhelming response to Modi wave given to his affiliation with BJP. Today, the BJP is in power or coalition with almost every state, except for Mizoram.

However, the shift of power, one must remember, is not an ideological shift but a convenient arrangement for a promising future. And true to the promises of Modi’s development agenda, more people today have access to gas connections, electricity, better roads, than ever before. However, the recent protests against the government on the controversial CAB Bill, NRC issue of Assam, ILPs, and the reaction of the government against political dissent raises several questions as to what is it that the NorthEast wants?

Are the problems of Northeast just limited to economic concerns? Or is there something more than the economic aspect? Protests here, unlike the rest of the country, are very intense and sees wide participation from every section of the society. What is it that Delhi doesn’t understand about Northeast?

The Delhi Dilemma: Trivializing Local Issues over National Interest

Historically, the Northeast had never been emotionally integrated with the larger Indian union, and the region passed onto India’s hand because the British didn’t know anything else to do. By the time, the Japanese fighters crossed into India through the North-east, the region has already established itself as a strategic point for India’s security. It was that hot piece of bread the new Indian Union put in its mouth, but couldn’t chew because of the heat, nor could it spit out.

The new Indian bureaucracy, which simply took over the reins from the British didn’t have much idea about the region or its complex political dynamics. All decisions were made in Delhi and simply executed through the army in the region, most of the time without any understanding of the ground situation. Any political dissent was labelled an act of separatism and the army had a free hand to deal with dissent, both social and political.

The high-handedness of Indian bureaucracy and Delhi’s myopic views about the region pushed the region to a corner from where the only option to fight back was retaliation against India (symbolized by the army). Things have definitely changed over the past few decades, but the bureaucracy is still hung-over Delhi, for whom local concerns do not matter much in the wake of national priorities or interest.

Policy makers, seating in Delhi think that the problems of the North-east is purely economic. They are convinced that with development and economic progress, problems facing the region will simply vanish into thin air. Nothing can be further from the truth that such naivety. For the policymakers seating in Delhi, it is only the beautiful landscape, cultural uniqueness, and the hospitality of the people that stands out. No wonders, tourism is the most heavily promoted industry from the region and all ideas of economic prosperity woven around tourism.

Land and Belongingness: The Crux of the Issue

‘Land Rights’ and ‘Territorial Jurisdiction’ are perhaps the most important keywords that explain the underlying political current of the region. Be it the insurgency problems, ILP issue, CAB, NRC, anti-immigrant, citizenship, and every other US v/s THEM issue is a by-product of the land-rights related issues.

• Manipur: With over 40 different armed groups, the ‘fight for independence from occupation’ or to defend one’s community from external threats is a strongly territorial phenomenon. To this day, the insurgent groups are a huge stakeholder in the social, economic, and politics of everyday life in Manipur. The state holds the record for the longest highway blockade when the Naga and Meitei communities had their disagreements with regards to the territorial jurisdictions of each. The Nagas in Manipur were also engaged in a bloody civil war against the Kuki community during the 1990s because one community alleged the other one of encroaching upon their ancestral land. With three major stakeholders claiming territorial rights over the tiny state, the ‘land’ is an integral part of the ethnic identity and no amount of free gas connections, development projects, and free aids will stand in comparison when it is the question of the land.
• Nagaland: The Naga issue began with the idea that the ‘Naga people’ are different from India and have a unique history and culture. The ongoing Peace Process is part of Nagaland’s everyday socio-political narrative. Beginning with the bloody civil war waged by the NSCN and other Naga armed groups against India in the 1960s, the Naga freedom movement has been the torchbearer of all armed conflict in the region. Most other secessionist movements in the region owe their allegiance – ideologically, logistically, and arms supply. The effect of the movement is directly felt in the Naga-inhabited regions including Assam, Manipur, Arunachal, and even in Myanmar territories. Today there is peace in the Naga areas, only for the hope that the NSCN and Government of India are approaching a peaceful resolution to the long pending issue. Any threat to the peace process threatens to disturb the peace, not just in the Nagaland but across the Northeast region.
• Mizoram: The Mizo National Front in the 1960s, waged one of the bloodiest civil wars against India and seeking its own independence. The Indian Airforce carried out bombing across Mizoram to quell the uprising. While the Mizos dropped came forward for peace and reconciliation after the bombing, it went into a reclusive state trying to cope with the post-traumatic stress. In its isolation, it has emerged as one of the most forward thinking and peaceful state in India. However, the issue of land rights, fear against outsiders, and cultural issues have become ingrained in the psyche of the people. Mizoram is one place that doesn’t shy away from bringing up the secession topic as we recently witnessed in the protest against CAB Bill. Brus and Chakma refugee issues are already a huge political issue here.
• Tripura: Tripura is often cited as an example of what happens when migration is unchecked. The indigenous people, having outnumbered by migrant population, are today seeking greater autonomy and self-rule calling for statehood for the indigenous tribes.
• Arunachal: A border state, Arunachal is heavily militarized and have suffered the wrath of the Chinese during the 1962 invasion. A state with the Inner Line Permit system is implemented since independence, Arunachal has strict rules prohibiting any outsiders from purchasing property, applying for jobs, and getting welfare benefits. The government’s decision to grant permanent residence certificates to a few ethnic communities living there for decades had created social unrest, leaving 3 dead and several injured during violent protests.
• Meghalaya and Sikkim: The most popular states among tourists, Meghalaya and Sikkim strictly implement the 6^th schedule act that prevents any outsider to buy property in the state. While Sikkim has its unique history of accession into Indian Union, Meghalaya as the capital of erstwhile Assam State has seen its fair share of influxes, riots, and ethnic problems in the 1980s.
• Assam: As the ‘big brother’ of Northeastern states, what happens in Assam today follows across the region tomorrow. Be it the ‘Bhumiputra Aandolan’ of the 1980s, ULFA’s ‘freedom struggle’, or the citizenship issue, Assam has been the torch-bearer for the region’s political consciousness. Having suffered the onslaught of unchecked migration right from Sylhet referendum to Bangladesh Liberation War, and until this day, people in Assam are very sensitive towards issues of Land Rights, Citizenships, and external Migrations.

The point here is that the individual concerns of each state in the Northeast are paramount when it comes to local politics. The issue gets even more complex with the huge ethnic diversity within every state, village, and district. Yes, the region is lagging behind the rest of the country in terms of development and industrialization. But, at no point in history has the region voted only for development. This is a major reason why national parties do not flourish much in the region and local/regional parties are integral to any government that is formed. 

It is high time that the central government learn to take off its Delhi lenses and look at the region’s problem in isolation, understand the complexities, and do not trivialize their concerns as merely a development or economic issue.

The post Dear Government, All’s Not Well on the Eastern Horizons appeared first on The Darjeeling Chronicle.

With family, we first decided to visit the famous Rock Garden, one of Darjeeling’s most mesmerizing tourist spot, managed by the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA). We were enjoying the scenic drive along the Hills, but were suddenly jolted by heavy turbulence for almost 1 km from the beautiful spot. The broken roads, washed away by the monsoon rains was slippery, waterlogged, and full of pits. It brought back childhood memories of riding the Bullock Cart, just like a rocking cradle, with all passengers choreographically swinging as the roads demanded.

The next stop was the Chunnu Summer Falls, a site dedicated to one Gorkhaland movement ‘martyr’ and inaugurated by Late Subash Ghisingh. Though filled with emotions for the sacrifices made by the people for Gorkhaland statehood, I could not help notice the condition of the roads, torn everywhere.

The Rest House there had marks of ‘Khukuri’ cuts everywhere on the walls and doors; broken window panes, and shattered window glass everywhere. Feeling curious about the pathetic condition of the rest house, I mustered up some courage to ask to a staff about the neglect. Hesitatingly, making sure no one was around, the staff replied “Oh this is the Price of Gorkhaland movement 2017 when local goons broke and cut it in provocation of one leader Daju’s order. The crowd said thousands of rest houses can be constructed once, Gorkhaland, the 30th State in Union of India is achieved.” What a shame that Darjeeling’s heritage and properties was being damaged and vandalized by our own leaders.

Next, we paid our visit to Gangamaya Park, named after another martyr of Gorkhaland Statehood movement in 1986. The condition of the part was equally disappointing, severely lacking care and neglect. Some locals said that seasonal leaders rule Darjeeling with seasonal support from Kolkata. When one Valley doesn’t support a leader or party during its tenure, the punishments can be felt on the development of that valley.

One question that comes to mind – Why Development in Darjeeling has to suffer because of the vengeful politics of our Gorkhey local leaders? Such instances of petty politics make us understand the wisdom, knowledge and farsightedness of our leaders who are supposedly leading us towards statehood.

The last destination in our itinerary was Bijanbari. On the way, I notice how the road from Marybong to Pul Bazar was another such victim of vengeful seasonal politics. The entire trip has left me in a state of shock, pain, and made me question the politics of Darjeeling Gorkha leaders. This episode had made me question the politics of the West Bengal Government and its Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee who had promised to make Switzerland out of Darjeeling. And not to forget the new GTA leaders like Binoy Tamang, whose only promise after the 2017 agitation was Development of Darjeeling and Gorkhaland region. Whatever happened to those promises, but it time our leaders rise above their petty personal politics, seasonal enmity, insecurities, and vengeful politics in the Hills.

Jai Gorkhaland

Writes: Sanjay Subba

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In Brazil when football was introduced, the natives were not allowed to come into physical contact with the white players. That’s how the native Brazilians developed their fantastic dribbling skills as a technique to avoid contact and any resultant punishment that might be given to them. As the natives developed their footballing skills and started winning matches, a policy was introduced which made it mandatory for the players to sign their names if they wanted to play. As most of the native players were illiterate a club, Vasco Da Gama came up with the idea of giving the players short nicknames so that they could at least sign. Today the Brazilian dribbling skills and nicknames that are known in almost every household were actually modes of resistance against racial discrimination. (Goldblatt 2014). The Black American Football players during the National Football League in 2017 expressed their dissent by not rising up when the national anthem was sung. President Trump tweeted this action as, “total disrespect for our great country.”Michealson wrote in the Daily Beast that “to respect –for whatever cause, left or right wing- is to make real the best ideals of America; freedom of speech, democracy, the rule of law. Protesting brings those ideals into reality. It is the opposite of disrespect and despair: It is to call our country to account and to say that we can do better” (2017). The Tibetans highlighted the Chinese occupation of Tibet and their “Free Tibet” movement during the Beijing Olympics. Closer home, East Bengal Club was formed to protest against the treatment meted out to the Bengalis of East Bengal by those from West Bengal. And Mohammedan Sporting Club came into existence to preserve the identity of the Muslim community.

Seen in this context of football as a political tool, the recent carnival in Darjeeling sponsored by the State and executed by its cronies can be seen a classic example of state exercising its control in the guise of a celebration. It could have been an opportunity for the people to rise to the occasion and express dissent against the atrocities of 2017/18 . It could have been a platform  to say that normalcy has not returned and will not return till our dreams are fulfilled. Football has always been the game of the common people, the proletariat, and throughout history it has been used as a tool of protest against the dictators and authoritarian leadership. The recent event in Darjeeling to celebrate football was ‘carni-evil-ish.’ The grandiosity of the celebration was astounding especially in the context of the terror that the people of the hills recently experienced. Football has fuelled numerous political movements, but in the case of Darjeeling it was used to douse any fire of freedom that may be alive inside the Gorkhas. The idea was to use the carnival as an opium to lull the people. The Arab Spring which changed the course of history in Egypt owes a lot to football fans. Truce between the fans of Cairo’s two arch-rival football clubs, Al Ahli and Zamalek, was instrumental in fuelling the Egyptian revolution. “The Moslem Brotherhood were joined” by these fans “who had agreed on an unprecedented truce in order to express their opposition to the autocrats in elite positions of political power” (Dorsey 2011). Mubarak was ousted on February 2011 and football fans played their part (Duerden 2012). In the former Yugoslavia, ethnic groups have used their respective clubs to raise nationalism. Red Star “fans clubs played a pivotal role in the revival of Serbian nationalism- the idea that the Serbs are eternal victims of history who must fight to preserve a shred of their dignity” (Foer 2004) and Red Star fans consider themselves as agents of political change.  Barcelona Football Club has been the symbol of Catalan nationalism. Barcelona represents the Catalan way of life and also its desire to separate from Spain. Pep Guardiola has been a vociferous supporter of the Catalan movement and makes it a point to  participate in the demonstrations. Recently he wore the yellow badge in protest of the thousands of Catalan nationalists who have been jailed by the Spanish government. From Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia to many of the former Soviet republics football and fans have been instrumental in politics. Every victory for the Dutch over the Germans is considered as a revenge for the five years of occupancy of the former by the latter. The point here is that is football is intrinsically related with politics and can play a huge role in spreading and arousing nationalism and that the football lovers of Darjeeling missed the opportunity to dissent and resist the oppressive political authorities when an opportunity was provided in a platter.

The clamor surrounding the World Cup was just the opposite of what is happening to football at the local level. Even the presence of a fourth, of those ‘celebrating football’ in Chowrasta, at Lebong Stadium, to watch the local match would have been a ‘normal’. The plight of the local tournaments, clubs and players has been pathetic for quite some time now.  It all started after the GNLF came to power in 1988 after the signing of the DGHC Accord. Prior to this period football in Darjeeling was one of the most cherished games. Gold Cup was like a festival. But it all changed once DGHC came into existence. The zeal to show its authority and control over the hills the then dispensation introduced the Shahid Cup with 2 lakh prize money. The money was good for the clubs and the game itself, but its illogical and irrational way of implementation ruined all sports in the hills. The existing sports associations were rechristened and the officials with loads of experience to run the sports were replaced by the sycophants of the leadership. All the funds were diverted into the Shahid Cup thereby making all other tournaments redundant. (There are other factors as well but would be discussed separately). More importantly, the most prestigious of all, the local leagues were completely scrapped from the local calendar. Prestigious tournaments like Jasoda Giri, Harley Cup in Darjeeling did not take place for a long time. RBGM in Kurseong does not take place till now. These were tournaments were the best teams of the country would come and participate and the local players would get an opportunity to test their skills against better teams and players. In an amateur structure where people played for fun, the lack of tournaments destroyed the spirit and enthusiasm of the players as well as the spectators. The politician would strut on the ground, donate some money and demonstrate his control in the administration of the game. Had there been any ethical office bearer in the sports association, things would had been different. Similarly had there been anybody at Chowrasta to stand up to  the authorities, the endeavor to show that normalcy has returned to Darjeeling would had been unsuccessful and the rest of the country would have known that Darjeeling is not smiling and is still mourning the death of many. As a football player and a Gorkha I bemoan these lost opportunities.

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